Santuário de Tophet

Santuário de Tophet



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O Santuário de Tophet na Tunísia constitui os restos de um grande número de túmulos de crianças que datam do período púnico de Cartago. Os historiadores têm contestado acaloradamente se os cartagineses praticavam o sacrifício de crianças em épocas de sérias dificuldades e, em caso afirmativo, quantos túmulos em Tophet pertencem a crianças sacrificadas.

Santuário da história de Tophet

O Tophet de Salammbo data da fundação da cidade pela Rainha Alyssa ou Dido no século 19 AC e continuando até 146 AC, quando a cidade foi destruída pela República Romana na Terceira Guerra Púnica. Cartago era a capital da civilização que se desenvolveu de uma colônia fenícia para um império púnico. O termo "tofeta" vem da Bíblia Hebraica, que significa "local de queima" e se refere a contos de sacrifício de crianças que a Bíblia condena.

Casos de sacrifício de crianças pelos cartagineses, no entanto, também foram registrados em fontes greco-romanas, como Sófocles e Plutarco. As inscrições cartaginesas, em vez disso, referem-se aos locais não como tophets, mas templos, santuários ou santuários. Nenhum texto cartaginense sobrevivente descreve quais rituais eram realizados no tofeta. No entanto, entre 1921 e 1970, escavações arqueológicas encontraram restos de bebês e cordeiros humanos, muitas vezes misturados com outros restos de animais.

Os ossos mostraram que foram expostos a diferentes temperaturas, sugerindo que o sacrifício foi queimado em uma pira a céu aberto. Esses restos foram coletados e colocados em uma urna e enterrados, às vezes com um monumento de pedra para marcar o local, incluindo uma estela (uma placa alta de madeira ou pedra), cippus (um pedestal baixo ou marco usado pelos romanos) ou um trono. O Santuário contém mais de 20.000 urnas.

Depois que os romanos conquistaram Cartago, seu horror ao sacrifício humano não os impediu de construir sobre o santuário, construir oficinas, armazéns e um templo sobre o local.

Santuário de Tophet hoje

Hoje, este local assustador pode ser encontrado perto do Porto Púnico em Túnis, cobrindo cerca de um acre de terra. Você pode caminhar entre as estelas, vendo as inscrições e esculturas das antigas lápides sob a sombra das palmeiras, protegendo-se do clima quente de verão da Tunísia.

Chegando ao Santuário de Tophet

Cartago fica a 16 km de Túnis e pode ser alcançada em 20 minutos de carro. A maneira mais fácil de chegar a Cartago saindo do centro da cidade de Túnis é por meio de transporte local: a estação de metrô de superfície TMG Carthage-Byrsa chega ao Santuário de Tophet. Existe um serviço diário que funciona desde manhã cedo até à meia-noite.


Santuário de Tophet - História

Poucas questões históricas são tão controversas quanto o sacrifício de crianças no antigo mundo mediterrâneo e bíblico. O termo bíblico Tophet é convencionalmente usado para se referir a um tipo de santuário de cremação ao ar livre. O elemento comum que caracteriza Tophets é a presença de um espaço aberto onde foram depositadas urnas contendo restos cremados de animais e / ou crianças.

Motya, Tophet: vista do urnfield, com o estrato V (c. 625-550 aC) em primeiro plano, do oeste (cortesia da Expedição Arqueológica “La Sapienza” de Roma a Motya).

Textos bíblicos (por exemplo, 2 Rs 23:10 Jr 7: 31-32, 19: 6-13 Is 30:33) referem-se ao "lugar alto de Tofeta", no vale de Ben Hinom, fora de Jerusalém, por onde as pessoas passaram por seus filhos e filhas através do fogo. Além disso, vários autores gregos e latinos, como Diodorus Siculus e Tertuliano, também mencionam sacrifícios humanos - e infantis - entre fenícios e cartagineses, principalmente em homenagem ao deus Cronos / Saturno e em momentos de crise.

Até aqui Tophets são atestados apenas a partir do século 8 aC em assentamentos de língua fenícia / púnica do Mediterrâneo central. Antes do século 2 AC, seu número é limitado ao Norte da África (Cartago e Sousse / Hadrumetum), Sicília (Motya, possivelmente Lilybaeum e Solunto), possivelmente Malta (Rabat) e Sardenha (Sant'Antioco / Sulky, Tharros, Bitia , Nora, Cagliari e Monte Sirai).

Mapa do Mediterrâneo central com a posição dos tofetes certos, prováveis ​​(*) e hipotéticos (**) atestados entre os séculos VIII e II aC (por A. Orsingher).

Essas áreas sagradas geralmente ficavam na periferia do assentamento ou fora dele, perto de um afloramento rochoso ou em uma posição elevada. Além disso, plataformas, altares, pequenas capelas ou santuários podem ter sido construídos e esculturas, estatuetas de terracota, rituais e vasos em miniatura podem ter sido usados ​​dentro do complexo sagrado.

Motya, Tophet: seleção de vasos pequenos e em miniatura do estrato VI-V, c. 675-550 aC (foto de A. Orsingher, cortesia da Expedição Arqueológica “La Sapienza” de Roma a Motya).

Seus elementos mais característicos - um campo de urnas e estelas, as divindades titulares e o rito que termina com a cremação de animais jovens e crianças - sobreviveram em Sousse após a destruição de Cartago em 146 aC. Eles também foram atestados em locais de culto recém-fundados, que a partir do final do século 3 e, especialmente, do século 2 aC começaram a se espalhar no norte da África até o século 2 dC. Em alguns desses locais, um santuário para Saturno foi construído próximo ou no topo do Tophet,. A relação entre esses locais de culto, seja em termos de continuidade e / ou mudança, ainda é debatida.

Alguns artefatos, como vasos em miniatura, lascas de pedra, conchas, amuletos, achados metálicos, foram colocados na urna ou fora dela. Em períodos posteriores, os campos de urna também continham marcadores de pedra, que variavam em forma, tamanho, material e iconografia e às vezes eram inscritos. Essas inscrições votivas geralmente eram endereçadas ao deus Ba'l Hamon umand - por volta do século 5 AC - para a deusa Tinnit, especificando que os marcadores de pedra foram erguidos porque o (s) deus (es) ouviu / ouviu a voz do adorador ou para que o (s) dedicador (es) fossem ouvidos. Então, essas são as evidências do sacrifício de crianças?

Motya, Tophet: estela inscrita do estrato III, c. 525-470 AC G. Whitaker Museum, inv. não. S 177 (foto de L. Nigro cortesia da Expedição Arqueológica “La Sapienza” de Roma a Motya).
Diagrama esquemático do registro arqueológico nos santuários de Tophet (adaptado de A. Orsingher, Vessels in Tophet sanctuaries: the Archaic evidence and the Levantine connection, Anais do Simpósio Internacional Beirute 2012 “Culto e Ritual na Costa Levantina e seu impacto no Reino do Mediterrâneo Oriental. BAAL Hors-Série X, Beirute, 2015, fig. 1).

A associação de textos bíblicos e clássicos com esses locais de culto foi proposta na década de 1920, primeiro em Motya, e a ligou ao costume cartaginês de sacrificar crianças. No entanto, foi a descoberta em Cartago de várias estelas decoradas e urnas contendo animais cremados e restos esqueléticos de crianças que atraiu a atenção mais acadêmica, da mídia e do público.

Motya, Tophet: vista aérea da área sagrada, com Long Island e Favignana ao fundo, do sul (foto de L. Nigro cortesia da Expedição Arqueológica “La Sapienza” de Roma a Motya).

Cartago, Tophet: um detalhe da chamada estela do sacerdote e da criança, c. meados dos séculos IV a III aC Musée National du Bardo, Tunis, inv. não. Icard C217 (foto de A. Orsingher).

Uma dessas estelas se destacou por sua iconografia marcante: uma figura masculina em pé, possivelmente um padre, segurando uma criança com o braço esquerdo. A ocorrência do termo MLK em algumas das estelas inscritas lembra referências ao deus Moloque em fontes bíblicas. Este personagem passou a fazer parte do imaginário coletivo graças a uma série de obras literárias e cinematográficas: antes de mais nada, a obra de Flaubert Salammbô (1862), que inspirou as representações fictícias da divindade, e seu rito e estátua em Salgari Cartagine in fiamme (1908) e no cinema mudo Cabiria (1914) e Metrópole (1927).

O eco dessa descoberta rapidamente se espalhou para além da academia. O tópico logo criou uma divisão entre estudiosos que não conseguiam aceitar a existência do sacrifício de crianças, questionando a credibilidade das fontes escritas e sugerindo que crianças morriam de causas naturais, e aqueles que confiavam em textos e viam esses santuários como a evidência arqueológica para tais rituais. Embora quase um século tenha se passado, esta divisão caracterizou a maior parte da história da Tophet estudos.

Cabiria: pôster de filme de N. Morgello, 1914 (Wikimedia Commons).

O debate gerou uma quantidade enorme de literatura acadêmica, na qual alguns pontos de inflexão podem ser identificados. As discussões sobre o sacrifício humano e o deus Moloque começaram já na Idade Média, mas - até 1921 - baseavam-se exclusivamente em textos bíblicos e clássicos. Posteriormente, a discussão foi estendida às evidências arqueológicas coletadas por meio de atividades de trabalho de campo e descobertas fortuitas.

Escavações científicas, especialmente aquelas iniciadas nas décadas de 1960-1970 em vários santuários, tornaram-se os alicerces da Tophet estudos, fornecendo relatórios detalhados e catálogos de estelas, suas iconografias e inscrições e análises dos restos mortais cremados, urnas e terracotas. A interpretação do sacrifício infantil permaneceu a narrativa dominante até o início dos anos 1980, quando surgiram críticas à teoria do sacrifício. Por exemplo, Hélène Bénichou-Safar enfatizou a escassez de enterros de crianças em Cartago, revivendo a teoria de Tophets como cemitérios para crianças que morreram de causas naturais antes de sua iniciação, e as fontes greco-romanas foram novamente descartadas como tendenciosas ou mal informadas.

Cartago, Tophet: esquema estratigráfico do urnfield (adaptado de: H. Bénichou-Safar, Le tophet de Salammbô à Carthage. Essai de Reconstitution. Collection de l’École française de Rome 342, Roma, 2004, pl. XXV).

Motya, Tophet: seção estratigráfica esquemática oeste-leste através do urnfield (adaptado de A. Ciasca, Mozia: sguardo d'insieme sul Tofet, Vicino Oriente 8 (1992), fig. 7).

O ano de 1987 se destaca como um ponto de inflexão. Sabatino Moscati e Sergio Ribichini publicaram livros negando a prática sistemática do sacrifício infantil, uma conclusão que encontrou apoio crescente entre os estudiosos. Enquanto isso, entre aqueles que apóiam a teoria do sacrifício, argumentos foram feitos para explicar esse rito como um mecanismo para regular o crescimento populacional ou como uma cerimônia sazonal. O debate que se seguiu a essas críticas ajudou a refinar as metodologias, desenvolvendo uma abordagem mais crítica das diversas fontes e explorando novas linhas de pesquisa, como a conexão de Tophets à identidade fenícia.

Mas, quando o debate estava esfriando, resultados contraditórios de análises osteológicas realizadas separadamente por duas equipes nos mesmos restos esqueléticos cremados das escavações do ASOR em Cartago foram publicados. Uma longa disputa (2010-2017) - baseada nas diferenças nos critérios de estimativa de idade - ocorreu. Um grupo apontou um número significativo de vestígios pré-natais, o que era inconsistente com a teoria do sacrifício infantil, enquanto a outra equipe viu idades mais elevadas na morte, segundo as quais o sacrifício era muito provável.

Enquanto isso (2013-2017), a Universidade de Palermo descobriu mais enterros de crianças na necrópole de Motya. Lá, a proporção de crianças na amostra esquelética e a presença de vários outros grupos de idade são consistentes com as taxas de mortalidade infantil nas sociedades pré-industriais, atestando que - quaisquer que fossem os rituais realizados no Tophets - envolveram apenas uma seleção de humanos pré-natais, neonatais e infantis.

A questão do sacrifício de crianças permanece sem solução, mas a dicotomia necrópole-santuário agora parece desatualizada. Hoje, muitos estudiosos concordam que Tophets eram áreas sagradas polivalentes onde uma variedade de ritos eram realizados. A adoção de métodos estatísticos pode ajudar a distinguir entre normas e exceções nas práticas rituais, gerando, com sorte, novas - e até mesmo compartilhadas - visões desses santuários.

Adriano Orsingher é pós-doutorado no Instituto de Pré-história, História Antiga e Arqueologia Medieval da Universidade Eberhard Karls de Tübingen.

Para Leitura Adicional

Bénichou-Safar, Le tophet de Salammbô à Carthage. Essai de Reconstitution. Collection de l’École française de Rome 342, Roma, 2004.

D’Andrea, I tofet del Nord Africa dall’età arcaica all’età romana (VIII sec. A.C. & # 8211 II sec. D.C.). Studi archeologici. Collana di Studi Fenici 45, Roma, 2014.

Stager, Ritos da primavera no tofeta cartaginense. BABESCH Byvanck Lecture 8, Leiden, 2014.

Xella (ed.), O Tophet no Mediterrâneo Fenício. Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici 29-30, Roma, 2013.


Conteúdo

Os Punics derivaram o núcleo original de sua religião da Fenícia, mas também desenvolveram seus próprios panteões. [3] A baixa qualidade das evidências significa que as conclusões sobre esses deuses devem ser provisórias. [4] Não existem hinos, orações ou listas de deuses sobreviventes e, embora existam muitas inscrições, [5] estas são muito estereotipadas e geralmente mencionam apenas os nomes dos deuses. [6] [7] Os nomes de deuses também foram frequentemente incorporados em nomes pessoais teofóricos e alguns deuses são conhecidos principalmente a partir desta evidência onomástica. [8] [1]

É difícil reconstruir uma hierarquia dos deuses cartagineses. [9] Era comum que os panteões das cidades fenícias fossem liderados por um casal divino, intitulado Baal (senhor) e "Baalat" ("senhora"). [10] Em Cartago, esse casal divino parece ter consistido no deus Baal Hammon e na deusa Tanit, que aparecem com frequência em inscrições do tofeta de Salammbô, com o qual parecem ter sido especialmente associados. [4] [11] A partir do quinto século AEC, Tanit começa a ser mencionado antes de Baal Hammon em inscrições e leva o título de "Rosto de Baal" (pene Baal), talvez indicando que ela era vista como mediadora entre o adorador e Baal Hammon. [12] Um símbolo antropomórfico, composto por uma "cabeça" circular, "braços" horizontais e um "corpo" triangular, que é freqüentemente encontrado nas estelas cartaginesas, é conhecido pelos estudiosos modernos como o sinal de Tanit, mas não é claro se os próprios cartagineses o associavam ao Tanit. As conexões de Baal Hammon e Tanit com o panteão fenício são debatidas: Tanit pode ter origem na Líbia, [12] mas alguns estudiosos a conectam às deusas fenícias Anat, Astarte ou Asherah Baal Hammon às vezes é conectada a Melqart ou El. [4] Os deuses Eshmun e Melqart também tinham seus próprios templos em Cartago. [4] Os sacerdotes de outros deuses são conhecidos por evidências epigráficas, incluindo Ashtart (Astarte), Reshef, Sakon e Shamash. [11]

Diferentes centros púnicos tinham seus próprios panteões distintos. Na Sardenha púnica, Sid ou Sid Babi (conhecido pelos romanos como Sardus Pater e aparentemente uma divindade indígena) recebia adoração como filho de Melqart e era particularmente associado à ilha. [13] Em Maktar, ao sudoeste de Cartago, um deus importante era Hoter Miskar ("o cetro de Miskar"). Em Leptis Magna, vários deuses únicos são atestados, muitos deles em inscrições bilíngues púnico-latinas, como El-qone-eres, Milkashtart (Hércules) e Shadrafa (Liber Pater). [14] As inscrições no tophet em Motya, no oeste da Sicília, freqüentemente se referem a Baal Hammon, como em Cartago, mas não se referem de forma alguma ao Tanit. [15]

Seguindo a prática comum de interpretatio graeca, Fontes greco-romanas consistentemente usam nomes gregos e latinos, em vez de púnicos, para se referir às divindades púnicas. [8] Eles normalmente identificam Baal Hammon com Cronus / Saturno, Tanit com Hera / Juno Caelestis, [11] Melqart com Hércules, [12] e Astarte com Vênus / Afrodite, embora os Tabletes Pyrgi bilíngües etrusco-púnico produzidos por volta de 500 aC identifiquem ela com a deusa etrusca Uni (Hera / Juno). [15] Tanto Reshef quanto Eshmun poderiam ser Apolo, mas Eshmun também foi identificado com Asclépio. [8] [12] Muitos desses deuses romanos, especialmente Saturno, Céleste, Hércules e Asclépio permaneceram muito populares no norte da África após a conquista romana e provavelmente representam uma adaptação e continuação das divindades púnicas. [16]

Uma fonte importante no panteão cartaginês é um tratado entre Amílcar de Cartago e Filipe III da Macedônia preservado pelo historiador grego do século II AEC Políbio, que lista os deuses cartagineses sob nomes gregos, em um conjunto de três tríades. Fórmulas e frases compartilhadas mostram que ele pertence a uma tradição de tratado do Oriente Próximo, com paralelos atestados em hitita, acadiano e aramaico. [17] [18] Dadas as inconsistências nas identificações por autores greco-romanos, não está claro quais deuses cartagineses devem ser interpretados. [8] Paolo Xella e Michael Barré (seguido por Clifford) apresentaram identificações diferentes. [14] [17] [18] Barré também conectou suas identificações com predecessores tirianos e ugaríticos [18]

Os cartagineses também adotaram os cultos gregos de Perséfone (Coré) e Deméter em 396 AEC, como resultado de uma praga que foi vista como uma retribuição divina pela profanação cartaginesa dos santuários dessas deusas em Siracusa. [19] No entanto, a religião cartaginesa não sofreu nenhuma helenização significativa. [20] As divindades egípcias Bes, Bastet, Isis, Osiris e Ra também eram adoradas. [21] [8]

Há muito pouca evidência de uma mitologia púnica, mas alguns estudiosos viram um mito cartaginês original por trás da história da fundação de Cartago, relatado por fontes gregas e latinas, especialmente Josefo e Virgílio. Nesta história, Elissa (ou Dido) foge de Tiro depois que seu irmão, o rei Pigmalião, assassina seu marido, um sacerdote de Melqart, e estabelece a cidade de Cartago. Eventualmente, Elissa / Dido se queima em uma pira. Alguns estudiosos conectam este e outros exemplos de autoimolação em relatos históricos de generais cartagineses com rituais de tophet. [22] Josephine Crawley Quinn propôs que o mito dos irmãos Philaeni na Líbia teve suas raízes no mito púnico e Carolina López-Ruiz fez argumentos semelhantes para a história de Gargoris e Habis em Tartessus. [23] [24]

Edição do sacerdócio

Os cartagineses parecem ter tido padres em tempo parcial e em tempo integral, este último chamado khnm (singular khn, cognato com o termo hebraico kohen), liderado por sumos sacerdotes chamados rb khnm. Oficiais religiosos de baixo escalão, vinculados a santuários específicos, incluíam o "chefe dos porteiros", pessoas chamadas de "servos" ou "escravos" do santuário (homem: ˤbd, fêmea: ˤbdt ou mt) e funcionários como cozinheiros, açougueiros, cantores e barbeiros. [20] [25] As deusas podem ter sido adoradas juntas e compartilhar os mesmos sacerdotes. [26] Uma classe de funcionários do culto conhecido como o mqm ˤlm (vocalizado miqim elim, geralmente traduzido como "Despertador do deus") foi responsável por garantir que o deus moribundo e ressuscitado Melqart voltasse para zelar pela cidade a cada ano. [19] [27] Os santuários tinham associações, conhecidas como mrzḥ em inscrições púnicas e neopúnicas, que realizavam banquetes rituais. [25] M'Hamed Hassine Fantar propõe que eram os padres em tempo parcial, nomeados de alguma forma pelas autoridades civis, que controlavam os assuntos religiosos, enquanto os padres em tempo integral eram os principais responsáveis ​​pelos ritos e pela interpretação dos mitos. [28] Em Cartago, por exemplo, havia um conselho de trinta pessoas que regulamentava os sacrifícios. [29] Algumas comunidades fenícias praticavam a prostituição sagrada na esfera púnica, o que é atestado em Sicca Veneria (El Kef) no oeste da Tunísia e no santuário de Vênus Erycina em Eryx no oeste da Sicília. [25]

Práticas funerárias Editar

As práticas funerárias dos cartagineses eram muito semelhantes às dos fenícios no Levante. Eles incluem os rituais que envolvem a eliminação dos restos mortais, festas funerárias e adoração aos ancestrais. Uma variedade de bens graves são encontrados nos túmulos, o que indica uma crença na vida após a morte. [30]

Os cemitérios estavam localizados fora dos assentamentos. [31] Eles eram frequentemente separados simbolicamente por características geográficas como rios ou vales. [32] Um pequeno papiro encontrado em uma tumba em Tal-Virtù em Malta sugere a crença de que os mortos tiveram que cruzar um corpo de água para entrar na vida após a morte. [33] As tumbas podem assumir a forma de fossas (sepulturas retangulares cortadas na terra ou rocha), Pozzi (poços rasos e redondos) e hipogéia (câmaras esculpidas na rocha com bancos de pedra sobre as quais o falecido foi deitado). Existem alguns túmulos construídos, todos anteriores ao século VI aC. [34] [35] As tumbas costumam ser superadas por pequenas estelas funerárias e baetilas.

Em épocas diferentes, o povo púnico praticava a cremação e a inumação. Até o sexto século AEC, a cremação era o meio normal de se livrar dos mortos. [30] [36] No sexto século AEC, a cremação foi quase totalmente substituída pela inumação. Posteriormente, a cremação foi amplamente restrita aos enterros infantis. [30] [36] Esta mudança às vezes está associada à expansão da influência cartaginesa no Mediterrâneo ocidental, mas exatamente como e por que essa mudança ocorreu não está claro. [36] Por volta de 300 aC, a cremação mais uma vez se tornou a norma, especialmente na Sardenha e Ibiza. [37] Poços de cremação foram identificados em Gades na Espanha e Monte Sirai na Sardenha. [38] [39] [40] Após a cremação, os ossos foram limpos e separados das cinzas e, em seguida, colocados cuidadosamente em urnas antes do sepultamento. Em Hoya de los Rastros, perto de Ayamonte, na Espanha, por exemplo, os ossos foram dispostos em ordem em suas urnas, de modo que os pés ficassem na parte inferior e o crânio no topo. [38] [41] Restos cremados e inumados podem ser colocados em caixões de madeira ou sarcófagos de pedra. [42] [36] Exemplos são conhecidos de Tharros e Sulci na Sardenha, [43] Lilybaeum na Sicília, Casa del Obispo em Gades na Espanha, [44] e Cartago e Kerkouane na Tunísia. [38] Antes do sepultamento, o falecido foi ungido com resina perfumada, [45] tingida de vermelho com ocre ou cinábrio, [46] vestígios dos quais foram recuperados arqueologicamente. [47]

O funeral foi acompanhado por uma festa no cemitério. [48] ​​Este banquete, chamado de mrz, é atestado em inscrições dos séculos quarto e terceiro aC, mas é conhecido no Levante em períodos anteriores. Os participantes decoraram um altar e sacrificaram um animal, que depois comeram. [48] ​​As festas incluíam o consumo de vinho, [48] que pode ter ligações simbólicas com o sangue, a fertilidade da Terra e uma nova vida, como aconteceu com outros povos mediterrâneos. [49] No final da festa, a louça foi esmagada ou enterrada a fim de matá-la ritualmente. [48] ​​[50] Cemitérios incluíam espaços e equipamentos para preparação de alimentos. [48] ​​A festa pode ter desempenhado um papel na determinação da herança e pode ter simbolizado o vínculo duradouro entre o falecido e seus sobreviventes. [48] ​​Essas festas funerárias eram repetidas em intervalos regulares como parte de um culto aos ancestrais (chamado rpʼm, cognato com o hebraico rephaim) Em textos neopúnicos, o rpʼm são equiparados ao latim Manes. [51] No Monte Sirai, na Sardenha, as tumbas incluíam ânforas para canalizar libações oferecidas nessas ocasiões para dentro da tumba. [52] As estelas funerárias e baetilas erigidas em cima de tumbas, que muitas vezes são inscritas com o nome do falecido e antropomorfizadas, podem ter sido destinadas a ser o foco para a adoração do falecido no contexto deste culto ancestral. [53] Pequenos altares de pedra foram encontrados nos cemitérios de Palermo e Lilybaeum na Sicília e são representados em estelas funerárias na Sardenha e na Sicília. Parece que fogueiras eram acesas em cima deles como parte dos rituais de purificação. [54] [55]

Uma série de bens mortuários são encontrados depositados com o falecido, os quais parecem ter sido destinados a fornecer ao falecido proteção e nutrição simbólica. [56] Estes não diferem significativamente com base no sexo ou idade do falecido. [57] As ofertas de sepultura podem incluir máscaras esculpidas [20] e amuletos, especialmente o olho de Hórus (Wadjet) e pequenas cabeças apotropaicas de vidro (protomae), que se destinavam a proteger o falecido. [58] As ofertas de comida e bebida provavelmente visavam nutrir o falecido na vida após a morte. [19] [31] Eles eram frequentemente acompanhados por um conjunto padronizado de equipamentos de festa para o falecido, consistindo de dois jarros, uma tigela e uma lamparina a óleo. [42] [59] Óleo e perfume podem ter a finalidade de fornecer calor e luz ao falecido. [60] As galinhas e seus ovos eram oferendas particularmente frequentes e podem ter representado a ressurreição da alma ou a transição para a vida após a morte no pensamento púnico. [42] [61] Navalhas, deixadas ao lado da cabeça do falecido, podem indicar que o cadáver foi raspado antes do sepultamento ou uma expectativa de que os sacerdotes continuariam a barbear na morte como faziam em vida. [47] [62] Címbalos e sinos de bronze encontrados em algumas tumbas podem derivar de canções e músicas tocadas no funeral do falecido - talvez com a intenção de afastar espirais malignas. Estatuetas de músicos em terracota são encontradas em túmulos, e representações delas foram esculpidas em estelas funerárias e em navalhas depositadas na sepultura. Quase todos esses músicos são mulheres, sugerindo que as mulheres tiveram um papel particular nesta parte do funeral, a maioria tocando bateria, kithara ou aulos. [63] [64]

Sacrifício e dedicações Editar

Animais e outros objetos de valor eram sacrificados para propiciar aos deuses, tais sacrifícios tinham que ser feitos de acordo com especificações estritas, [19] que são descritas em nove inscrições sobreviventes conhecidas como "tarifas de sacrifício". [25] O mais longo deles é KAI 69, conhecida como Tarifa de Marselha, devido ao seu ponto de encontro, que provavelmente ficava originalmente em Cartago. Ele lista as porções de sacrifícios a que os sacerdotes de um templo de Baal Saphon tinham direito. As outras tarifas de sacrifício são CIS I.165, 167-170, 3915-3917, todos encontrados no Norte da África. Essas tarifas são semelhantes a um par de inscrições tarifárias do século V aC encontradas na cidade fenícia de Kition, em Chipre. Eles também compartilham algumas terminologias e fórmulas com textos ugaríticos e hebraicos bíblicos sobre o sacrifício. Também há uma lista de ofertas do festival, CIS I.166 e muitas inscrições votivas curtas, principalmente associadas aos tophets. [65] Muitas dessas inscrições tophet referem-se ao ritual de sacrifício como mlk (vocalizado mulk ou molk), que alguns estudiosos relacionam com o Moloch bíblico. [66] [67] Inscrições votivas também são encontradas em outros contextos uma longa inscrição em uma estatueta de bronze do século VIII aC encontrada em Sevilha a dedica a Athtart (KAI 5 294). [68] Uma inscrição do século V aC (KAI 72) de Ebusus registra a dedicação de um templo, primeiro a Rašap-Melqart, e depois a Tinnit e Gad por um sacerdote que afirma que o processo envolveu fazer um voto. [69] Uma estela erguida em Cartago em meados do século II aC por uma mulher chamada Abibaal mostra o sacrifício de uma cabeça de vaca queimando em um altar. Os detalhes da imagem mostram continuidade com rituais de sacrifício muito anteriores do Oriente Próximo. [70]

Libações e incenso também parecem ter sido uma parte importante dos sacrifícios, com base em achados arqueológicos. [71] Um costume atestado em Biblos pelo autor grego Luciano de Samosata de que aqueles que se sacrificavam a Melqart tinham de raspar a cabeça pode explicar as navalhas rituais encontradas em muitos túmulos cartagineses. [62]

Tophets e sacrifício infantil Editar

Várias fontes gregas e romanas descrevem e criticam os cartagineses como engajados na prática de sacrificar crianças na fogueira. [12] Os escritores clássicos que descrevem alguma versão do sacrifício de crianças a "Cronos" (Baal Hammon) incluem os historiadores gregos Diodorus Siculus e Cleitarchus, bem como os apologistas cristãos Tertuliano e Orósio. [72] [73] Essas descrições foram comparadas às encontradas na Bíblia Hebraica que descrevem o sacrifício de crianças queimando Baal e Moloch em um lugar chamado Tophet. [72] As antigas descrições foram aparentemente confirmadas pela descoberta do chamado "Tophet de Salammbô" em Cartago em 1921, que continha as urnas de crianças cremadas. [74] No entanto, historiadores e arqueólogos modernos debatem a realidade e a extensão desta prática. [75] [76] Alguns estudiosos propõem que todos os restos do tophet foram sacrificados, enquanto outros propõem que apenas alguns o foram. [77]

Evidência arqueológica Editar

O tipo específico de santuário ao ar livre descrito como um Tophet nos estudos modernos é exclusivo das comunidades púnicas do Mediterrâneo Ocidental. [78] Mais de 100 tophets foram encontrados em todo o Mediterrâneo Ocidental, [79] mas estão ausentes na Espanha. [80] O maior tophet descoberto foi o Tophet de Salammbô em Cartago. [74] O Tophet de Salammbô parece datar da fundação da cidade e continuou em uso por pelo menos algumas décadas após a destruição da cidade em 146 AC. [81] Não sobreviveram textos cartagineses que explicassem ou descrevessem quais rituais eram realizados no tofeta. [80] Quando as inscrições cartaginesas se referem a esses locais, eles são chamados de bt (templo ou santuário), ou qdš (santuário), não Tophets. Esta é a mesma palavra usada para templos em geral. [82] [79]

Pelo que as evidências arqueológicas revelam, o ritual típico do Tophet - que, no entanto, apresenta muitas variações - começava com o sepultamento de uma pequena urna contendo as cinzas de uma criança, às vezes misturadas ou substituídas pelas de um animal, após o que um estela, tipicamente dedicada a Baal Hammon e às vezes Tanit foi erguida. Em algumas ocasiões, também foi construída uma capela. [83] A queima irregular nos ossos indica que eles foram queimados em uma pira a céu aberto. [84] As crianças mortas nunca são mencionadas nas inscrições da estela, apenas os dedicadores e que os deuses lhes concederam algum pedido. [85]

Embora os tofetes tenham caído em desuso após a queda de Cartago nas ilhas anteriormente controladas por Cartago, no Norte da África eles se tornaram mais comuns no período romano. [86] Além de bebês, alguns desses tophets contêm oferendas apenas de cabras, ovelhas, pássaros ou plantas, muitos dos adoradores têm nomes líbios em vez de púnicos. [86] Seu uso parece ter diminuído no segundo e terceiro séculos EC. [87]

Edição de controvérsia

O grau e a existência do sacrifício de crianças cartagineses são controversos, desde que o Tophet de Salammbô foi descoberto em 1920. [88] Alguns historiadores propuseram que o Tophet pode ter sido um cemitério para crianças prematuras ou de vida curta que morreram naturalmente e então foram oferecidos ritualmente. [76] Os autores greco-romanos não eram testemunhas oculares, se contradizem sobre como as crianças foram mortas e descrevem crianças mais velhas que bebês sendo mortos em oposição aos bebês encontrados nos tophets. [74] Relatos como o de Cleitarco, em que o bebê caiu no fogo perto de uma estátua, são contraditos pelas evidências arqueológicas. [89] Não há nenhuma menção ao sacrifício de crianças nas Guerras Púnicas, que são mais bem documentadas do que os períodos anteriores em que o sacrifício em massa de crianças é reivindicado. [74] O sacrifício de crianças pode ter sido enfatizado demais para o efeito depois que os romanos finalmente derrotaram Cartago e destruíram totalmente a cidade, eles se engajaram na propaganda do pós-guerra para fazer seus arquiinimigos parecerem cruéis e menos civilizados. [90] Matthew McCarty argues that, even if the Greco-Roman testimonies are inaccurate "even the most fantastical slanders rely upon a germ of fact." [89]

Many archaeologists argue that the ancient authors and the evidence of the Tophet indicates that all remains in the Tophet must have been sacrificed. Others argue that only some infants were sacrificed. [77] Paolo Xella argues that the weight of classical and biblical sources indicate that the sacrifices occurred. [91] He further argues that the number of children in the tophet is far smaller than the rate of natural infant mortality. [92] In Xella's estimation, prenatal remains at the tophet are probably those of children who were promised to be sacrificed but died before birth, but who were nevertheless offered as a sacrifice in fulfillment of a vow. [93] He concludes that the child sacrifice was probably done as a last resort and probably frequently involved the substitution of an animal for the child. [94]


Sanctuary of Tophet

Originally dedicated to the deities Baal Hammon and Tanit, this Carthaginian sacrificial site and burial ground is dotted with stubby stelae engraved with simple geometric shapes and symbols. When the site was excavated by a French team of archaeologists in 1921, more than 20,000 urns, each containing the ashes of a child (mostly newborn, but also children up to age four), were found under the stelae. Wandering through the site is a haunting experience.

The name Tophet is Hebrew for ‘place of burning’ and comes from Bible references to child sacrifice, such as in Jeremiah: '[the people of Judah] have built the altar called Tophet…and there they burn to death their little sons and daughters'.

While ancient sources are unequivocal about the Carthaginians’ practice of child sacrifice, there are various other interpretations as to what may have actually taken place. The Romans, despite their righteous horror, can’t have been too spooked, as they built workshops, warehouses and a temple over the site.


Atenas, Grécia

No doubt, Athens has played a fundamental role in shaping the Western world into what it is today. By 1400 BC the city was already prominent in the ancient world. It has actually been inhabited for over 7000 years. A city-state of the once-burgeoning ancient Greece, Athens played a critical role in shaping philosophy, drama, literature, and science.

Its central location made it a hotbed for cultural interchange and commerce. Athens is home to many awe-inspiring ruins like the Parthenon and The Temple of Olympian Zeus. Athens still serves as a bustling metropolis and is known for its culture, arts, media, entertainment, commerce, and finance.


VOICES: THE SANCTUARY OF TOPHET BY BOBBY FRESH

History has a way of repeating itself in parallel. Our ancestors, post-slavery, were taught to grin and bear it. Smile boy, life is good, you could still be in chains. Our forefathers’ spirits were broken and sacrificed. This trauma has been passed down through cellular memory.

The dilution of this plight came in time. Malcolm X, MLK, Angela Davis, etc., as time went on the people caught up with the leaders. The perfect storm has now commenced (COVID-19, police brutality, unemployment, the ubiquity of white supremacy, etc.) and nós are not our ancestors, yet we are powered by them.

Our generation was born into Public Enemy’s “Fight The Power” (and moved) to Kendrick Lamar’s “Alright.” We have experienced the 1992 LA riots and moved) to the marches in Ferguson. We’ve tried the nice guy approach. No more. We no longer just demand equality – we will take it.

In the Information Age, we are equipped with the truth behind the whitewashed history we were forced fed. We are armed with limitless power, and, now, we realize our power. We have no sympathy for those who are not allies. We no longer need sympathy. Our people are no longer sacrifices to build your economy – to reassure your shortcomings. There will be no more smiling masks.

O que você espera? If we were treated as equals (from the beginning) – we wouldn’t react like the oppressed.


Conteúdo

Santuário is a word derived from the Latin sanctuarium, which is, like most words ending in -arium, a container for keeping something in—in this case holy things or perhaps cherished people (sanctae/sancti) The meaning was extended to places of holiness or safety, in particular the whole demarcated area, often many acres, surrounding a Greek or Roman temple the original terms for these are temenos in Greek and fanum in Latin, but both may be translated as "sanctuary". Similar usage may be sometimes found describing sacred areas in other religions. In Christian churches sanctuary has a specific meaning, covering part of the interior, covered below.

Sanctuary as area around the altar Edit

In many Western Christian traditions including Catholic, Lutheran, Methodist, and Anglican churches, the area around the altar is called the sanctuary it is also considered holy because of the physical presence of God in the Eucharist, both during the Mass and in the church tabernacle the rest of the time.

In many churches the architectural term chancel covers the same area as the sanctuary, and either term may be used. [1] In some Protestant churches, the term sanctuary denotes the entire worship area while the term chancel is used to refer to the area around the altar-table.

In many Western traditions altar rails sometimes mark the edge of the sanctuary or chancel. In the Eastern Orthodox Church, Eastern Catholic Churches of Syro-Malabar Church, Byzantine rite and Coptic Orthodox Churches, the sanctuary is separated from the nave (where worshippers pray) by an iconostasis, literally a wall of icons, with three doors in it. In other Oriental Orthodox traditions, a sanctuary curtain is used.

The terminology that applies the word sanctuary to the area around the altar does not apply to Christian churches alone: King Solomon's temple, built in about 950 BC, had a sanctuary ("Holy of Holies") where the Ark of the Covenant was, and the term applies to the corresponding part of any house of worship. In most modern synagogues, the main room for prayer is known as the sanctuary, to contrast it with smaller rooms dedicated to various other services and functions. (There is a raised bimah in the sanctuary, from which services are conducted, which is where the ark holding the Torah may reside some synagogues, however, have a separate bimah and ark-platform.)

Sanctuary as a sacred place Edit

In Europe, Christian churches were sometimes built on land considered to be a particularly holy spot, perhaps where a miracle or martyrdom was believed to have taken place or where a holy person was buried. Examples are St. Peter's Basilica in Rome and St. Albans Cathedral in England, which commemorate the martyrdom of Saint Peter (the first Pope) and Saint Alban (the first Christian martyr in Britain), respectively.

The place, and therefore the church built there, was considered to have been sanctified (made holy) by what happened there. In modern times, the Catholic Church has continued this practice by placing in the altar of each church, when it is consecrated for use, a box (the sepulcrum) containing relics of a saint. The relics box is removed when the church is taken out of use as a church. In the Eastern Orthodox Church, the antimension on the altar serves a similar function. It is a cloth icon of Christ's body taken down from the cross, and typically has the relics of a saint sewn into it. In addition, it is signed by the parish's bishop, and represents his authorization and blessing for the Eucharist to be celebrated on that altar.

Traditions of Sanctuary Edit

Although the word "sanctuary" is often traced back only as far as the Greek and Roman empires, the concept itself has likely been part of human cultures for thousands of years. The idea that persecuted persons should be given a place of refuge is ancient, perhaps even primordial, deriving itself from basic features of human altruism. In studying the concept across many cultures and times, anthropologists have found sanctuary to be a highly universal notion, one which appears in almost all major religious traditions and in a variety of diverse geographies. "Cities of refuge" as described by the Book of Numbers and Deuteronomy in the Old Testament, as well as the Bedouin idea of nazaala, or the "taking of refuge," indicate a strong tradition of sanctuary in the Middle East and Northern Africa. In the Americas, many native tribes shared similar practices, particularly in the face of invading European powers. Despite tensions between groups, many tribes still offered and received sanctuary, taking in those who had fled their tribal lands or feared persecution by the Spanish, English, and French. [2]

Legal sanctuary Edit

In the classical world, some (but not all) temples offered sanctuary to criminals or runaway slaves. [3] When referring to prosecution of crimes, sanctuary can mean one of the following:

Right of asylum Edit

Many ancient peoples recognised a religious right of asylum, protecting criminals (or those accused of crime) from legal action and from exile to some extent. This principle was adopted by the early Christian church, and various rules developed for what the person had to do to qualify for protection and just how much protection it was.

In England, King Æthelberht made the first laws regulating sanctuary in about AD 600, though Geoffrey of Monmouth in his Historia Regum Britanniae (c. 1136) says that the legendary pre-Saxon king Dunvallo Molmutius (4th/5th century BC) enacted sanctuary laws in the Molmutine Laws as recorded by Gildas (c. 500–570). [6] By Norman times, there had come to be two kinds of sanctuary: All churches had the lower-level kind, but only the churches the king licensed had the broader version. The medieval system of asylum was finally abolished entirely in England by James I in 1623. [7]

Political asylum Edit

During the Wars of the Roses of the 15th century when the Lancastrians or Yorkists would suddenly gain the upper hand by winning a battle, some adherents of the losing side might find themselves surrounded by adherents of the winning side and unable to return to their own side, so they would rush to sanctuary at the nearest church until it was safe to leave it. A prime example is Queen Elizabeth Woodville, consort of Edward IV of England.

In 1470, when the Lancastrians briefly restored Henry VI to the throne, Edward's queen was living in London with several young daughters. She moved with them into Westminster Abbey for sanctuary, living there in royal comfort until Edward was restored to the throne in 1471 and giving birth to their first son Edward during that time. When King Edward IV died in 1483, Elizabeth (who was highly unpopular with even the Yorkists and probably did need protection) took her five daughters and youngest son (Richard, Duke of York Prince Edward had his own household by then) and again moved into sanctuary at Westminster Abbey. She had all the comforts of home she brought so much furniture and so many chests that the workmen had to break holes in some of the walls to move everything in fast enough to suit her. [ citação necessária ]

In the 20th century, during World War I, all of Russia's Allies made the controversial decision in 1917 to deny political sanctuary to Tsar Nicholas II Romanov and his immediate family when he was overthrown in that year's February Revolution because of his abuses of power and forced to abdicate in March in favor of Alexander Kerensky's Russian Provisional Government. Nicholas and his family and remaining household were sent to Tobolsk, Siberia that summer while Kerensky kept Russia in the war when it couldn't win, enabling Lenin and his Bolsheviks to gain the Russian people's support in overthrowing Kerensky in that year's October Revolution. The Russian Civil War started that November and in July, 1918, with Lenin losing the civil war, Nicholas and his family were executed on Lenin's orders while confined to the Ipatiev House in Yekaterenburg. In 1939, months before World War II began, 937 Jewish refugees from Nazi Germany on board the MS St. Louis met the same fate, first by Cuba—their original destination—and afterwards by the United States and Canada. As a result, 620 of them were forced back to Europe, where 254 of them died in Nazi concentration camps during the war. This incident was the subject of Gordon Thomas' and Max Morgan-Witts' 1974 novel, Voyage of the Damned and its 1976 movie adaptation. In 1970, Simonas Kudirka was denied U.S. sanctuary when he attempted to defect from the then-Soviet Union by jumping from his "mother ship", 'Sovetskaya Litva', onto the USCGC Vigilant when it was sailing from New Bedford while Kudirka's ship was anchored at Martha's Vineyard. Kudrika was accused of stealing 3,000 rubles from Sovetskaya Litva's safe and when the U.S. State Department failed to help him, Kudrika was sent back to the Soviet Union, where he was convicted of treason and sentenced to ten years of hard labor but because Kudirka could claim American citizenship through his mother, he was allowed to return to the United States in 1974. His plight was the subject of Algis Ruksenas' 1973 book Day of Shame: The Truth About The Murderous Happenings Aboard the Cutter Vigilant During the Russian-American Confrontation off Martha's Vineyard and the 1978 TV movie The Defection of Simas Kudirka, starring Alan Arkin. Ten years later, Ukrainian youth, Walter Polovchak, became a cause célèbre in the 1980s because of his request in 1980 at age 12 to remain in the United States permanently after announcing that he didn't want to return with his parents to what was then Soviet Ukraine, and was the subject of a five-year struggle between U.S. and Soviet courts over his fate, which was decided in his favor in 1985 when Walter turned 18 that October 3 and was no longer a juvenile and thus no longer required to return to his parents if he didn't want to. Later in the 1980s, Estonian national and alleged Nazi war criminal, Karl Linnas, was the target of several sanctuary denials outside the United States before he was finally returned in 1987 to the then-USSR to face a highly likely death penalty for alleged war crimes that he was convicted of in 1962 (see Holocaust trials in Soviet Estonia). Linnas died of a heart attack in a Leningrad prison hospital on July 2, 1987 while waiting for a possible retrial in Gorbachevian courts, 25 years after Khrushchevian courts convicted him in absentia.

Sanctuary versus asylum Edit

The concepts of sanctuary and asylum are defined very similarly at their most basic level. Both terms involve the granting of safety or protection from some type of danger, often implied to be a persecuting, oppressive power. The divergence between these terms stems primarily from their societal associations and legal standing while asylum understood in its political sense implies legally-binding protection on the part of a state entity, sanctuary often takes the form of moral and ethical activism that calls into question decisions made by the institutions in power. [8]

In many instances, sanctuary is not incorporated into the law, but operated in defiance of it. Efforts to create sanctuary for the persecuted or oppressed are often undertaken by organizations, religious or otherwise, who work outside of mainstream avenues to ameliorate what they see as deficiencies in existing policy. Though these attempts to provide sanctuary have no legal standing, they can be effective in catalyzing change at community, local, and even regional levels. Sanctuary can also be integrated into these levels of government through "Sanctuary bills," which designate cities and sometimes states as safe spaces for immigrants deemed "illegal" by the federal government. These bills work to limit the cooperation of local and regional governments with the national government's efforts to enforce immigration law. In recognition of their progressiveness and boldness in the face of perceived injustice, "Sanctuary bills" are commonly referred to as "activist law." [9]

Sanctuary in contemporary society Edit

For the last few centuries, it has become less common to invoke sanctuary as a means of protecting persecuted peoples. Yet, the 1980s saw a massive resurgence of cases as part of the U.S.-Central American sanctuary movement. This resurgence was part of a broader anti-war movement that emerged to protest U.S. foreign policy in Central America. The movement grew out of the sanctuary practices of political and religious organizations in both the United States and Central America. It was initially sparked by immigrant rights organizations in well-established Central American communities. These organizations first opposed U.S. foreign policy in Central America and then shifted towards aiding an ever-increasing number of Central Americans refugees. Working in tandem, immigrant rights organizations and churches created many new organizations that provided housing and legal services for newly arrived immigrants.These organizations also advocated for the creation of sanctuary spaces for those fleeing war and oppression in their home countries. By 1987, 440 cities in the United States had been declared "sanctuary cities" open to migrants from civil wars in Central America. [10]

The immigrant-religious organization partnerships of the sanctuary movement remain active, providing essential services to immigrant populations. Particularly notable in recent years is their legal and advocacy work. By providing legal representation to asylum seekers who may not be able to afford it, these organizations give their clients a better chance of winning their respective cases. As of 2008, detained asylum seekers with legal representation were six times more likely to win their cases for asylum, and non-detained asylum seekers with representation were almost three times more likely to win asylum compared with those without it. [2] The pro bono legal services provided by these organizations also work to alleviate stress on an adjudication system that is already overloaded with cases—a 2014 study of the system showed that about 250 asylum officers at any one time are tasked with interviewing an average of 28,000 asylum seekers. [11] These sanctuary-based organizations also engage in larger-scale advocacy work that allows them to reach immigrant populations beyond the communities they work in. According to a study done by the "New Sanctuary Movement" organization, at least 600,000 people in the United States have at least one family member in danger of deportation. [12] Legislative and judicial advocacy work at the regional and even national level allows organizations to support this group of people by influencing policy.

From the 1980s continuing into the 2000s, there also have been instances of immigrant rights organizations and churches providing "sanctuary" for short periods to migrants facing deportation in Germany, France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, Australia and Canada, among other nations. In 2007, Iranian refugee Shahla Valadi was granted asylum in Norway after spending seven years in church sanctuary after the initial denial of asylum. [13] From 1983 to 2003 Canada experienced 36 sanctuary incidents. [14] In 2016, an Icelandic church declared that they would harbor two failed asylum seekers who violated the Dublin Regulation, and police removed them for deportation, as ecclesiastical immunity has no legal standing. [15]

When referring to a shelter from danger or hardship, sanctuary can mean one of the following:

Shelter sanctuary A place offering protection and safety a shelter, typically used by displaced persons, refugees, and homeless people.

The term "sanctuary" has further come to be applied to any space set aside for private use in which others are not supposed to intrude, such as a "man cave".

Animal sanctuary Edit

An animal sanctuary is a facility where animals are brought to live and be protected for the rest of their lives. Unlike animal shelters, sanctuaries do not seek to place animals with individuals or groups, instead maintaining each animal until its natural death.

Plant sanctuary Edit

Plant sanctuaries are areas set aside to maintain functioning natural ecosystems, to act as refuges for species and to maintain ecological processes that cannot survive in most intensely managed landscapes and seascapes. Protected areas act as benchmarks against which we understand human interactions with the natural world.


Conteúdo

The name is possibly derived from the Hebrew toph = drum, because drums were used to drown the cries of children, but possibly connected with a root word meaning “burning” - the "place of burning". In the King James Version, the form Tophet is used, except in 2 Kings 23:10, where it spelt Topheth.

The following references are made in the Hebrew Bible: “They have built the high places of Topheth, which is in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters in the fire” (Jeremiah 7:31). On account of this abomination Topheth and the Valley of Hinnom should be called "The Valley of Slaughter: for they shall bury in Topheth, till there be no place to bury," the Revised Version margin “because there shall be no place else” ( Jeremiah 7:32 ) see also Jer 19:6 , 19:12-14. Josiah is said to have “defiled Topheth” as part of his great religious reforms ( 2 Kings 23:10 ). The site would seem to have been either at the lower end of the Valley of Hinnom, near where Akeldama is now pointed out, or in the open ground where this valley joins the Kidron Valley.


The History of the Sanctuary

The sanctuary of Poseidon at Onchestos provides a setting for some of the most ancient events described in Greek myth. Already in Homer’s Iliad—in the famous Catalogue of Ships—Onchestos is referred to as Poseidon’s “bright grove.” In the sixth-century Hino homérico a Apolo, the titular god is said to have sojourned at his uncle’s sacred grove on his way to found his own sanctuary at Delphi. De acordo com Hymn to Hermes, Apollo would pass again through this “lovely grove and sacred place of the loud-roaring Holder of the Earth [Poseidon]” in pursuit of his baby brother, Hermes, who had stolen his cattle. Other stories speak of an eponymous hero, one Onchestos, son of Athamas, who founded the sanctuary, as well as an early association with the royal house of Orchomenos, the powerful Mycenaean center situated to the sanctuary’s northwest. It was near Onchestos, at the Teneric plain, where Herakles fought Orchomenian troops who were advancing toward Haliartos, the city directly to the sanctuary’s west.

Archaeological evidence attests to the sanctuary’s prosperity in the sixth and fifth centuries BCE. Throughout this time, it was probably under the control of Thebes, one of the most prominent cities in the ancient region of Boeotia and located to the east of the sanctuary. A major religious festival, complemented by athletic competitions, was already being held at the sanctuary in the sixth century BCE. The fifth-century poet Pindar refers to the “celebrated victories with swift-footed horses” during these competitions. In the second half of the fourth century, the sanctuary became the religious center of the Boeotian Confederation (Koinon). After the destruction of Thebes in 335 BCE, if not earlier, the cult site came under the control of Haliartos. Architectural remains attest to an expansion of the sanctuary grounds. Among the archaeological evidence are proxeny decrees that reveal the bestowment of ambassador duties upon certain individuals and small bronze and lead tokens that were evidently used for the casting of votes.

Onchestos’ fortunes changed, however, as the Romans extended their hold over mainland Greece. The sanctuary was probably sacked alongside Haliartos in 171 BCE when the city sided with Rome’s opponents in the Third Macedonian War. Archaeological evidence suggests that the sanctuary might have continued to function in some capacity long after the Roman conquest of Greece in 146 BCE and the subsequent dissolution of the Boeotian League. Literary sources, on the other hand, provide contradictory information about the state of the sanctuary: the Greek geographer and historian Strabo, writing in the early first century CE, claims that Poseidon’s sacred grove was “devoid of trees” although the temple of Poseidon was standing. Meanwhile, over a century later, the Greek traveler Pausanias would write that he was able to see Poseidon’s temple, cult image, and grove. As for the late Roman and Byzantine eras (third century CE onwards), the archaeological record attests so far only to agricultural activity on the site.


Conteúdo

The Sanctuary, officially called the “Santuario de Dios y de la Patria” (Sanctuary of God and Country), [2] but is better known as the Sanctuary of Jesús Nazareno de Atotonilco. [3] It is located in the small, rural community of Atotonilco, which had a population in 2005 of 597. Today, this community is formally known as the Santuario de Atotonilco and is part of a World Heritage Site (2008) along with the historic center of San Miguel de Allende. [4]

Atotonilco is located fourteen km outside the town of San Miguel de Allende in an area that is a combination of dry grassland and desert studded with thistles, sweet acacia and mesquite trees. [5] The appearance of the landscape has been compared to that of Jerusalem, which gives believers a connection to the Holy Land. [6] The area also has a large number of thermal and fresh water springs. When the sanctuary was built, there were 27 fresh water springs to support gardens around the complex. [5] Today, thermal waters still rise up from the ground only one km from the sanctuary, and another spring at the community entrance has been covered by an artificial cave and is used as a spa called Balneario La Gruta. [7]

On the outside the church complex is very plain with high walls that give it a fortress appearance. The outer walls are about ten meters high the cupolas reach twelve meters and the clock tower is about twenty meters high. [8] The main entrance is also simple under a “mixtilineo” arch that faces east, towards Jerusalem, giving the entire complex an east-west orientation. [9] [10] To the south along the main facade is the Casa de Ejercicios and the clock tower. To the north is Santa Escuela de Cristo. In front of the main facade is a narrow atrium, which was once used as a cemetery. Today, it is shaded by trees and surrounded by a small fence. The main church is a single nave without a cupola, lined on the north and south flanks by chapels and chambers. [10] On the north side of the nave, there are the new sacristy, the Rosary Chapel, the chambers of Father Neri, the Belen Chapel/Baptistery and the Reliquary Room. On the south side, there are the Santisimo Chapel, the Soledad Chapel, the Loreto Chapel with its back chamber, the Gloria Escondida Chamber and the Santo Sepulcro Chapel with the Calvario Chapel behind it. [11]

Edição Interior

The walls and ceilings of the interior are nearly entirely covered in mural work, sculpture, inscriptions and oil paintings in a style called Mexican folk Baroque, although indigenous influence can be seen. The only exception to this are the Neoclassical altars which were installed later. [10] Most of the mural work was done by Antonio Martínez de Pocasangre with some done by José María Barajas over a period of thirty years with almost no free space left among the numerous images. [12] The style of the painting imitates Flemish painting which was known through Belgian prints that the Spanish brought over from Europe. [4] This mural work has led the complex to be called the “Sistine Chapel of America ” or the “Sistine Chapel of Mexico.” [10] [13]

The story of Jesus’s ministry and death according to the Gospels is told along the main nave of the church, especially along the ceiling. [14] At the entrance area, there are images related to the Last Judgment. In the highest part, Jesus appears crowned and with a cape carrying a cross, and blessing certain chosen people with his right hand. On the left side, are the "damned", tied up, with their faces showing their agony, large ears and horns. The entrance is divided by a wood screen to block the light with two doors in front and one door on each side. The screen is made of square blocks, each one painted with allegories, Biblical passages and an image of saints. [12]

As the visitor moves along the nave towards the main altar, the ceiling is divided into sections by arches. These arches contain verses written by Father Neri which relate to the scene painted on each vault. The images begin with the upper choir with a scene containing Jesus with the Mary who receives a blessing. Another scene has Jesus praying in Gethsemane, receiving comfort from an angel. Another scene has Judas Iscariot with a devil on his back, followed by soldiers, Judas betrays Jesus with a kiss. In the fourth scene, Peter attacks Malchus with a sword, cutting off an ear, and then Jesus replaces the ear. The north wall features the Baptism of Jesus in the Jordan River, accompanied by John the Baptist. [15]

In the next section there is a representation of Jesus in the house of Caiaphas. Seventy two judges try Jesus with Pontius Pilate on the side in the balcony. On the north side, Pilate appears again but the Jewish judges stay outside the Roman magistrate's house because they are observing Passover. The south side presents Pilate presenting Jesus and Barabbas and asking to choose whom to release. On the east side is a scene with Jesus being flogged while tied to a post. On the south wall, there is a Neoclassical altarpiece of stone with gold leaf. This contains an image of Christ tied to a post and bearing the marks of being flogged. This is called the Señor de la Columna. [16]

Next are verses from the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and John referring to Jesus after he was flogged by soldiers. Another section shows the Virgin Mary, Mary Magdalene and Mary of Clopas watching the punishment of Jesus from afar. Christ then receives the cross. [17] The next section shows Jesus on his knees with Simon of Cyrene carrying the cross and followed by a large crowd and soldiers. Saint Veronica appears in front of Christ, wiping his face with a cloth. The north and south segments show the falls Jesus suffered while carrying the cross while the three Marys look on. [18]

At the presbytery section, at the location of the main altar, can be found a depiction of Palm Sunday, the crucifixion, and death of Jesus. The main altarpiece was made between 1812 and 1820. It contains the image of Jesus of Nazareth, which was placed there by Father Neri in 1748. This sculpture is made of wood and dressed with a cloth tunic. The face is typical for this kind of image of the 18th century and comes from Seville, Spain . [14] [18]

The line along the ceiling of the nave is supposed to trace the path from sin and Hell to the “glory of God’s presence.” [14] This glory is depicted in a chamber which is located behind the main altar called the Camarín de la Gloria (Chamber of Glory) or Camarín de los Santos Apóstoles (Chamber of the Holy Apostles), which was built between 1740 and 1748, during the first phase of construction. Here is the culmination of the story told by the ceiling murals of the main nave: the Resurrection of Jesus after his Crucifixion. This chamber is circular topped with a dome with the light from the Intern at the top representing the Glory of God. From this fall flames representing the Holy Spirit and in a circular hierarchy down the dome are angels, musicians, and representing the celestial chorus at the bottom of the dome are statues of the Apostles, along with the Virgin Mary as Queen of the Apostles. Above each statue is a shell-shaped medallion representing their martyrdom. Below this are the various sainted founders of Catholic monastic orders such as Augustine of Hippo, Francis of Assisi and Saint Dominic. [19]

On the north side of the nave, there are two chapels with mural work and other decorations. The Belén (Bethlehem) Chapel is dedicated to the birth of Jesus. It was constructed between 1759 and 1763, but the altar is a Neoclassic design dating from the 19th century. It contains medallions painted in oils. The vault contains a conjunction of angels that sing the arrival of the Messiah, peace, and a group of shepherds who come to adore the child. Both the angels and the shepherds hold up signs with the Apostles' Creed. There is also a scene with the Holy Trinity that accompanies the Virgin Mary who is crowned. On the left, idols fall before the birth of Christ. [20] The Capilla del Rosario or Rosary Chapel was constructed in 1763 and its vault is divided into four triangular segments. The north segment contains a naval battle where galleons, with Spanish and Ottoman coats of arms, fire at each other, referring to the Battle of Lepanto. The Virgin of the Rosary is credited with the Spanish victory. On the south side, there is a ceremony dedicated to the Virgin Mary in Rome, presided over by Pope Pius V. The main altar is gilded and contains the image of the Virgin. There are 15 small sections over mirrors with scenes related to the mysteries of the Rosary. On the east and west walls there are images of saints grouped by monastic order. In the interior of the chamber, there are portraits of Father Neri, Esteban Valerio de Alfaro and María Velázquez de Casillta (his parents). By the windows are portraits of Doctor Díaz de Gamarra and Dominican friar Francisco Alonso de Rivera and a self portrait of Pocasangre, who emphasizes his indigenous features. The roof of this inner chamber is in the form of a large shell. Writings such as the Ave Maria, prayers, saints' names and more are inscribed on the ribs of the shell. [21]

Annexes Edit

On the south side there are six annexes of note. The vault of the old sacristy contains scenes from the life of Father Neri and the construction of the Sanctuary. There are also 12 oils on canvas of the Apostles. Prior to the restoration of the Camarín de la Gloria (Chamber of Glory), the oils on canvas covered medallions on the walls. There is also a painting of Anthony of Padua by Juan Correa as well as paintings of a number of important churchmen and more by anonymous painters. Two paintings compare Jerusalem with San Miguel de Allende and the Sanctuary. [22]

The Capilla de Soledad or Chapel of Solitude was built between 1740 and 1748. The main altar contains the Virgin of Sorrows, weeping for the crucified Jesus. On the south wall, there is a sculpture of Saint Peter crying in regret for having denied Jesus. This chapel is the darkest in the complex as the windows let in little light. [23]

The Capilla de Loreto or Loreto Chapel was built in 1754. There is no direct access to this chapel from the main nave of the church it is necessary to enter from the current sacristy or through the Capilla de Soledad. The dimensions and shape of this chapel exactly match the Loreto chapels in the monastery of Tepotzotlán and in the church of San Felipe Neri in San Miguel de Allende. The three chapels are based on the layout of the Chapel of Loreto in Ancona, Italy. One wall is painted with a mural of an angel announcing to Mary her pregnancy. There are also various depictions related to the Virgin and the child Jesus. [24]

The area known as the “La Glora Escondida” or "The Hidden Glory" is located on the north side of the choir area, but it is difficult to access. It is a partially hidden rectangular area. It was decorated by Pocasangre [25] with depictions related to the Final Judgment, Hell and sin. There are not Seven Deadly Sins, but eight represented by eight swords topped with the head of a different animal. The north wall contains a triptych where a dying man is surrounded by a priest, a guardian angel, and several demons vying for his soul. In the end, the demons are defeated. The only window is on the right which shows a scene from the Final Judgment which is based on an engraving by Gustave Doré. On the left side, there are depictions of the torments of Hell. [26]

The Capilla del Santo Sepulcro or Chapel of the Holy Burial was built between 1759 and 1763. The murals here were begun in 1760 and center on the death, burial, and resurrection of Jesus. This area connects the Chapel of the Calvary, which is behind it, by a kind of bridge anchored to the walls. This chapel contains an image of a resuscitated Jesus but still reclined which is notable for the bloody face and the number of precious stones that have been placed on it. These stones have remained despite the various attacks the church has suffered over its history. The roof is trapezoidal decorated with rose windows and four large reliefs of shells. The walls are painted with numerous figures such as Four Evangelists, the Four Fathers of the Church, and a large quantity of angels and cherubs. There are also allusions to the Four Cardinal Virtues, and medallions with scenes of the Resurrection. [27]

The Capilla de Calvario or Calvary Chapel is the largest of the complex and was built between 1763 and 1766. It was also the last that Father Neri had built although he did not live to see its completion. It has a cross layout and is topped with vaults and a cupola. Its decoration is almost purely Mexican Baroque with monumental oil paintings and groups of painted statues that are placed on the floor, walls and ceiling. The columns contain inscriptions of poems written by Father Neri. The three altars contain the best of the sculptures and enclose the transept. These sculptures depict the crucifixion, agony, and descent of Christ after his death. [28] The choir was built between 1759 and 1763. It was originally painted by Pocasangre, but little remains due to subsequent re-paintings and the enclosure of the space when the “Casa de Ejercicios" or meditation room was added. Most of the paintings in this space date from 1867. The area contains a wood organ used to accompany services. [29]

The two parts of the complex which do not connect directly or indirectly to the main nave are the Escuela Santa de Cristo and the Casa de Ejercicios. The Casa de Ejercicios is a prayer and meditation facility which was built according to the principles of Ignatius of Loyola. They are based on a set of spiritual “exercises” designed during the reformation to help Catholics reinforce their faith. This type of building came to Mexico around 1665 and, 100 years later, Father Neri had the casa de ejercicios built. This building is mostly separate from the rest of the complex and is decorated differently. Only inscriptions such as poems appear with the intention of providing meditative help. When Father Neri died, there were 7,541 men who lived and studied there. Today, there are thirty, with 19 being women. However, about 75,000 visit each year. [30]

Since it was built, the complex has been a pilgrimage and procession site. [31] The architecture and decorative features reflect the doctrine of Saint Ignatius of Loyola, [3] as it was built with the principles of the Counter-Reformation in mind. The sanctuary’s role as a site for penance, according to the exercises of Ignatius Loyola, began in 1765 with 25 people participating and directed by Father Neri. [10] The sanctuary has been one of the principal places in Mexico to practice the spiritual exercises of Ignatius of Loyola, which include mortification of the flesh through flagellation and fasting. [32] During Holy Week, an estimated 5,000 perform these exercises and wear crowns of thorns on their heads. It is one of 33 weeks out of the year when visitors, mostly from the center and north of the country, visit the Casa de Ejercicios to perform penance. A complete cycle of penance, prayers and meditation lasts eight days. [33] It can receive up to 5,000 visitors each week. [6]

Each year and since 1812, the image of Jesus, depicted tied to a column and beaten, called the Señor de la Columna, has traveled in procession between Atotonilco and San Miguel de Allende. In 1812, the image was requested due to an epidemic that was plaguing the town. Today, and each year on the Saturday prior to Holy Week, it travels to San Miguel and returns to Atotonilco on Thursday night. [34]

The World Heritage Organization calls it an “exceptional example of the exchange between European and Latin American cultures” and “one of the finest examples of Baroque art and Baroque architecture in the (sic) New Spain.” [3] Because of its role in the Mexican War of Independence, it has been registered as one of Guanjuato’s 61 historic sites. [32] The area was considered sacred before the arrival of the Spanish because of the hot mineral springs. The name Atotonilco is common in Mexico, especially in the central highlands, with the best known in Jalisco. The name comes from a Nahuatl phrase “in hot water” which refers to thermal springs. [35] Chichimecas came to this particular place to perform penance rites, puncturing themselves with maguey thorns and washing away guilt in the thermal springs. [36]

According to tradition, Father Neri arrived here from preaching at missions in Dolores Hidalgo. While resting under a mesquite tree where the sanctuary is now located, he dreamt of Jesus wearing a crown of thorns and carrying a cross. Jesus told Father Neri that it was his will that the area be converted into a place for penance and prayer. [37] A different version of this story states that Father Neri was here due to his ill health and was assisting at a small church called the Capilla de San Miguelito, which is still found on the banks of the Laja River. At that time, the native Guachichiles and Pames were not completely converted to Christianity and considered the thermal springs in the area sacred and medicinal. It was also supposedly a favored place for rites that included fornication. One reason to build the church was to counter this practice. [38]

Father Neri bought the entire Hacienda de Atotonilco to build the sanctuary and to have enough productive land to support it. [38] On May 3, 1740, a ceremony was held where the Father blessed the first stone laid to construct the complex. [35] When Father Neri traced the layout of the church, it was the morning of May 3, the day of the Holy Cross, when he is said to have seen three rainbows, one to the east, one to the north and one to the south, leaving the west free. The main altar faces in this direction, towards the Holy Land. [39] The first phase of construction lasted from 1740 to 1748 and included the main nave, the tower, and old sacristy, today the Purisisma Chapel. [40] At the end of this phase, it was consecrated and the image of Jesus the Nazarene was placed. [41] The second phase lasted until 1776 when most of the chapels and other annexes were built. [39] As the complex was built, the mural work was done. The main reason behind this was to reinforce the principles of the Council of Trent and the Counter Reformation. [41] During all of this construction, Father Neri lived at the site until his death in 1776. Faltava então o anexo de Santa Escuela, a nova sacristia, alguns corredores e a casa do capelão, além de várias esculturas, altares e pinturas a óleo. Eles foram adicionados ao longo dos próximos 100 anos. [39] [41]

Segundo testamento do padre Neri, o complexo custava 22.647 pesos. A igreja principal é dedicada a Jesus de Nazaré. [25] A partir de 88 anos após a morte do padre Neri, houve tentativas nos séculos 19 e 20 para que o padre fosse beatificado, mas sem sucesso. [42]

A igreja está ligada aos eventos da Guerra da Independência do México no início do século XIX. Ignacio Allende casou-se com Maria de la Luz Agustina de las Fuentes em 1802 nesta igreja. [41] Mais importante ainda, a bandeira inicial do exército insurgente nascente representando a Virgem de Guadalupe foi tirada daqui em 16 de setembro de 1810. [32] Após a guerra, a comunidade tornou-se parte do município de San Miguel de Allende. [6]


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