Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller


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Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller era o terceiro filho de John D. Ele era ativo na filantropia e na coleção de arte, mas é mais lembrado como o primeiro dos Rockefellers a entrar com sucesso na política eletiva. Rockefeller, nascido em Bar Harbor, Maine, em 8 de julho, 1908, recebeu o nome de seu avô materno, o senador de Rhode Island Nelson W. Desde muito jovem, Nelson foi o líder de seus quatro irmãos e uma irmã: Abby Rockefeller Mauzé, John Davison Rockefeller III, Laurance Spelman Rockefeller, Winthrop Rockefeller e David Rockefeller. Ele frequentou a escola na cidade de Nova York e se formou no Dartmouth College em Hanover, New Hampshire, em 1930. Seus pais, Rockefeller Jr. e Abby Greene Aldrich, eram ativos na coleção de arte, e Nelson rapidamente ganhou um papel na promoção do trabalho de novos Artistas americanos no Museu de Arte Moderna no centro de Manhattan, Nova York. Isso gerou uma polêmica imediata quando um dos murais retratou grandes capitalistas americanos, incluindo um Rockefeller, como gângsteres como Al Capone. Nelson manteve a arte, mas a exibiu da forma mais discreta possível. Durante os anos da Segunda Guerra Mundial, Rockefeller assumiu cargos no Departamento de Estado e se concentrou nos assuntos latino-americanos. Posteriormente, ele presidiu o Conselho Consultivo de Desenvolvimento Internacional, que fazia parte do Programa Ponto Quatro de Truman. Com a eleição de Dwight D. Eisenhower como presidente, Rockefeller retornou a Washington, DC, e serviu como presidente do Comitê Consultivo do Presidente em Organização Governamental e, mais tarde, como subsecretário do Departamento de Saúde, Educação e Bem-estar. Em 1958, ele ganhou o Governador de Nova York como um republicano, cargo que ocupou de 1959 a 1973. Ele também estabeleceu as leis antidrogas mais duras do país com relação ao porte e venda de cocaína e heroína, algumas das quais permanecem nos livros. Seus planos liberais, ele criou mais moradias de baixa renda, com poderes sem precedentes dados à Corporação de Desenvolvimento Urbano do Estado de Nova York, que poderia substituir o zoneamento local, condenar propriedades e desenvolver esquemas de financiamento criativos para realizar o desenvolvimento desejado. Projetos, Rockefeller estabeleceu aproximadamente 230 autoridades de benefício público como o UDC, que emitiu títulos com uma taxa de juros mais elevada do que o que o estado teria cobrado. Ele conseguiu aumentar o orçamento do estado de $ 2,04 bilhões em 1959-60 para $ 8,8 bilhões em 1973-74 quando deixou o cargo, durante um período de declínio econômico geral do estado.Em 1961, o filho mais promissor de Rockefeller e cum laude Michael, formado em Harvard, se perdeu ao tentar chegar a vilas remotas em seu catamarã nativo no interior de Papua, Nova Guiné, aos 23 anos. Nelson organizou uma extensa busca, mas seu filho nunca foi encontrado. Rockefeller fez campanha sem sucesso para a presidência em 1960 , 1964 e 1968, mas quando Richard M. Nixon renunciou à presidência em 1974, ele chegou o mais perto que poderia em sua carreira pública de alcançar o mais alto cargo político. O vice-presidente Gerald Ford tornou-se presidente, de acordo com as disposições da Vigésima quinta emenda à Constituição, e foi obrigado a designar um substituto para o cargo de vice-presidente. Ele escolheu Nelson Rockefeller, que prestou juramento em 19 de dezembro de 1974, e serviu até o final do mandato de Ford em janeiro de 1977. Ele morreu em 26 de janeiro de 1979 de ataque cardíaco e foi cremado logo depois. Suas cinzas foram enterradas na propriedade da família em Pocantico Hills, Nova York. Rockefeller foi considerado um dos líderes da ala moderada do Partido Republicano e é saudado como um exemplo de uma das figuras proeminentes do movimento "Republicano dos anos 1960 e 1970". Os republicanos que têm pontos de vista semelhantes aos dele costumam ser chamados de "Republicanos Rockefeller".


Nelson Rockefeller - História

Por Natalie LaFantasie Coolidge

A estrada para a grandeza geralmente começa em uma pequena vila da Nova Inglaterra. Isso era verdade para um homem cujos avós e bisavós moravam em East Killingly, CT. Destes cidadãos íntegros foi transmitida uma forte ética familiar. . & quot uma ética baseada nos valores americanos fundamentais, que tem vindo ao longo das gerações desde então. . . Essa ética familiar foi transmitida por preceito, exemplo e instrução diária de zelo, de meus avós a meu pai. ”Estas foram as palavras de Nelson A. Rockefeller, vice-presidente dos Estados Unidos de 1974 a 1977, em sua declaração às Regras do Senado Comitê durante suas audiências de confirmação de vice-presidente em 1974.

Ao continuar a série de artigos do Killingly Historical Journal & # 39s sobre pessoas famosas que vieram da cidade de Killingly, nossa atenção foi chamada para o início humilde dos antepassados ​​de Nelson A. Rockefeller & # 39s por Louise e Allen Oatley de East Killingly. Eles preservaram uma série de cartas, jornais e artigos de revistas que contavam algumas das histórias de seu passado. A Sra. Oatley também me levou ao Cemitério Bartlett para ver o lugar onde os bisavós de Rockefeller e # 39 foram enterrados.

Sua história começa em Foster, RI, onde Anan Aldrich, filho de Job Aldrich, viveu com sua esposa, Abby (Burgess) Aldrich. Um de seus filhos, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich, nasceu em 6 de novembro de 1841, em uma fazenda em Foster pertencente ao povo de sua mãe, que eram descendentes de Roger Williams. Quando morava em East Killingly, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich recebeu sua educação inicial na escola rural no topo da colina, depois matriculou-se na East Greenwich Academy em Rhode Island. Ele se lembrou de anos mais tarde, quando teve que caminhar um quilômetro e meio da casa de sua avó para a escola, lembrou-se de ter frequentado a Escola Dominical na igreja e de Thomas Pray ser seu professor. Ele encerrou seu discurso no Old Home Day, 27 de julho de 1904, na Igreja Batista de lá com estas palavras: & quot Tive muitas experiências variadas na vida, mas onde quer que estive, nunca parei de pensar nos dias em East Killingly como o mais feliz da minha vida. ”Ele disse que foi apresentado a falar em público na velha Town House no Killingly Center.

Depois de frequentar a East Greenwich Academy em Rhode Island por um ano, Nelson W. Aldrich foi trabalhar em Providence, RI, e logo depois foi contratado pelos principais varejistas atacadistas do estado. Ele foi promovido tão rapidamente que se tornou um sócio júnior e, aos 24 anos, era vice-presidente júnior.

Ele já havia prestado serviço no 10º Voluntários de Rhode Island, que foi chamado a Washington para proteger a capital em 1862 durante a Guerra Civil. Depois que ele teve febre tifóide, ele teve alta e voltou para Providence no mesmo ano.

Em 1866 ele se casou com Abby Chapman e um de seus filhos era Abby Greene Aldrich, que mais tarde se casou com John Davison Rockefeller 2, um ex-aluno da Brown University em Providence. Eles tiveram vários filhos, um dos quais era Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. Ao falar da "influência de minha mãe", Nelson Rockefeller lembrou-se de Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, filha de um senador dos EUA por Rhode Island, como "profundamente motivada em um sentido ético e espiritual". Sua mãe era a influência fermentadora na família. Ela era uma mulher alegre, calorosa e intuitiva. Ele citou uma carta de sua mãe para ele e seus dois irmãos mais novos durante a infância:

“Quero fazer um apelo ao seu senso de jogo limpo e implorar que você comece suas vidas como jovens, dando ao outro sujeito, seja ele judeu ou negro, ou de qualquer raça, uma chance justa e um acordo justo. É para desgraça da América que horríveis linchamentos e motins raciais ocorram freqüentemente em nosso meio. O ostracismo social dos judeus é menos brutal, mas muitas vezes causa injustiças cruéis. & Quot

A religião também desempenhou um papel importante na educação de Rockefeller & # 39s:

"Fazíamos orações familiares todas as manhãs antes do café da manhã e aos domingos íamos à escola dominical e à igreja." "Fomos criados estritamente, como meu pai e o pai dele antes dele", disse Rockefeller. & quotO ambiente era obviamente diferente, mas os princípios e a disciplina eram os mesmos.

Quando menino, Nelson não se dedicou aos estudos. Seu pai puritano, John D. Rockefeller 2º, se desesperou por causa dele. Nelson estava sempre se metendo em travessuras: sacudindo comida na imponente mesa de jantar Rockefeller, escondendo um filhote de coelho no regalo de sua mãe na igreja, reprovando em matérias no ensino médio. Ele foi mandado para o Dartmouth College, em New Hampshire, porque não pôde se qualificar para Princeton, que foi frequentado por seu irmão mais velho, John. Em Dartmouth, seu espírito competitivo mais do que qualquer outra coisa o fez trabalhar duro. Ele ganhou uma chave Phi Beta Kappa.

A casa de verão Aldrich (casa de Anthony Shippee) na velha Pike Road (Rota 101) já teve John D. Rockefeller 2º como hóspede. Quando Erwin B. Chase, Sr., às vezes conhecido como Barber Chase, o conduzia de um lado para outro em uma charrete e cavalo, ele nunca sonhou que o homem que estava com ele um dia seria o pai do vice-presidente dos Estados Unidos.

Embora Nelson Rockefeller tenha crescido em esplendor e enorme riqueza, seu pai incutiu em todos os filhos um profundo senso de responsabilidade. Ele tinha muitos anos de experiência em governo e política. Ele serviu sob os presidentes Roosevelt, Truman e Eisenhower, e foi governador de Nova York por quatro mandatos - mais do que qualquer homem desde os tempos coloniais. Há muito tempo ele queria ser presidente, depois de ter feito campanha para a indicação republicana três vezes - em 1960, 1964 e 1968 -, mas nunca poderia vencer. Em seguida, ele foi escolhido por Gerald Ford para ser seu vice-presidente.

Assim, a estrada de East Killingly, CT, concluída no final da Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.

A partir de: Transcrição do condado de Windham: - 2 de janeiro de 1908

As imagens em movimento e as canções ilustradas todas as tardes e noites no Phoenix Hall são as melhores já vistas em Danielson. O programa é alterado duas vezes por semana e é estritamente de primeira classe. O novo piano elétrico fornece música durante o programa. As canções ilustradas são cantadas por Clarence Kies, anteriormente com imagens em movimento de Salisbury & # 39 e Miss Dora Reeves, que em suas canções cativantes recebe grandes aplausos todas as noites. & quotWhy Don & # 39t You Take Our Little Boy? & quot é a música que ela está cantando com grande sucesso esta semana. Cinco centavos é o preço baixo de entrada para esses entretenimentos. Nenhuma empresa de cinema que cobra 25 centavos e 35 centavos de entrada está oferecendo programas melhores. É uma oportunidade de passar uma noite de diversão com filmes de alta classe e canções ilustradas a um custo muito baixo. Esses programas, dados como estão no Phoenix Hall, o salão mais bonito e confortável de Danielson, merecem o apoio do público. Na semana passada, a capacidade do salão foi testada todas as noites, e no sábado à noite havia lugar apenas para pessoas em pé. O entretenimento começa todas as tardes às 4h & # 39h, funcionando continuamente até as 10h.


ROCKEFELLER, Nelson Aldrich

(b. 8 de julho de 1908 em Bar Harbor, Maine d. 26 de janeiro de 1979 na cidade de Nova York), governador de Nova York durante a década de 1960 que procurou e não conseguiu receber a nomeação republicana para presidente em 1960, 1964 e 1968, descendente da imensamente rica família Rockefeller.

Segundo filho e terceiro de seis filhos dos filantropos John Davison Rockefeller, Jr. e Abby Greene Aldrich, Rockefeller cresceu com uma enorme riqueza, poder e prestígio como neto do homem mais rico do mundo, John D. Rockefeller, e do senador norte-americano Nelson Aldrich, que representou Rhode Island como um republicano. Ele freqüentou a Lincoln School, uma instituição mista progressista na cidade de Nova York, depois se formou no Dartmouth College (1926–1930) com um B.A. cum laude em economia. Rockefeller se casou com Mary Todhunter Clark, uma socialite da Filadélfia, em 23 de junho de 1930, o casal teve cinco filhos e se divorciou em 1962.

Embora soubesse que herdaria um fundo fiduciário de US $ 40 milhões, Rockefeller não era um playboy. Ele ingressou no family office em 1931, obteve uma licença de corretor de imóveis e começou a vender espaço no novo Rockefeller Center, então o maior complexo de escritórios do mundo. Ensinado desde o nascimento que a riqueza traz a obrigação de ajudar os outros, Rockefeller fez sua primeira contribuição à vida pública servindo sob o presidente Franklin D. Roosevelt em 1940. Como coordenador do Escritório de Assuntos Interamericanos, ele tentou repelir a ameaça de Nazismo, fornecendo assistência econômica aos latino-americanos. Em 1944, ele se tornou secretário de Estado assistente para assuntos latino-americanos, mas sua abordagem agressiva levou a um conflito com seus superiores, e Rockefeller renunciou um ano depois. Determinado a ajudar outras famílias a se beneficiarem do capitalismo como o seu, ele criou a Associação Internacional Americana para o Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social para prevenir a disseminação do comunismo na América Latina usando fundos privados dos EUA para melhorar a saúde pública, educação e agricultura. Nomeado pelo presidente Dwight Eisenhower em 1952 para reorganizar o governo federal, Rockefeller recomendou a criação do Departamento de Saúde, Educação e Bem-Estar (HEW) e serviu como seu subsecretário de 1953 a 1954. Rockefeller deixou o HEW para trabalhar como assistente especial de Eisenhower em estratégia da guerra fria, cargo que ocupou até sua nomeação como secretário de defesa, foi bloqueado em 1955 por causa de sua reputação de gastar muito.

Com sua carreira no governo federal encurtada, Rockefeller olhou para seu estado natal, Nova York, e ganhou a eleição para governador em 1958. Ele acabou cumprindo quatro mandatos em quinze anos, de 1959 a 1973. Carismático, trabalhador e capaz de se relacionar com as pessoas em todos os degraus da escada social, ele via todos os problemas como solucionáveis, mas seus gastos otimistas contribuíram para os problemas financeiros de Nova York na década de 1970. Com a intenção de manter um clima de negócios amigável no estado reduzindo os impostos comerciais, Rockefeller pagou pela expansão do governo de Nova York e pelo salto de 300% no orçamento do estado durante seu mandato, aumentando os impostos individuais. Ele argumentou continuamente que o governo federal deveria fornecer maiores subsídios aos estados maiores. Para defender suas polêmicas políticas fiscais e medir a opinião pública, Rockefeller deu início a uma prática inovadora de dez anos em 1961, de realizar uma série de reuniões municipais nos arredores de Nova York.

Tão socialmente liberal quanto gastava livremente, Rockefeller muitas vezes parecia mais um democrata do New Deal do que um republicano. Ele revitalizou Albany, a capital de Nova York, ao construir um vasto complexo governamental, financiou a construção de hospitais e estradas, defendeu os direitos civis, apoiou o controle de aluguéis e promoveu o tratamento para usuários de drogas em vez de penas criminais estritas (uma posição que mudou em década de 1970 porque o tratamento não teve muito efeito). Um de seus programas mais criativos, a Urban Development Corporation (UDC) de 1968, construiu moradias de baixa e média renda ao misturar quatro dólares de capital privado com um dólar de ajuda governamental. Capaz de anular as leis de zoneamento locais, para grande raiva de muitos nova-iorquinos, era a agência estadual mais poderosa do país para a construção de moradias urbanas. Rockefeller usou seus contatos pessoais com a comunidade financeira de Wall Street, principalmente seu irmão David, chefe do Chase Manhattan Bank, para manter a solvência da agência. Depois que ele deixou o cargo, o UDC não pagou seus empréstimos. O maior legado de Rockefeller para o estado pode ser a expansão do sistema universitário estadual, que aumentou de 38.000 alunos em 28 campi para 246.000 alunos em 71 campi quando ele deixou o cargo.

A vida pessoal de Rockefeller ocasionalmente ganhou as manchetes durante os anos 1960. Em 1961, seu filho mais novo, Michael, desapareceu em uma expedição antropológica na Nova Guiné. A proeminência da família virou manchete de notícias sobre o desaparecimento em todo o mundo. Rockefeller voou imediatamente para ajudar em uma busca infrutífera pelos restos mortais do jovem, que foi possivelmente atacado por crocodilos ou, mais provavelmente, morto em um ataque racialmente motivado por canibais.

Como governador do estado mais populoso e poderoso do país, Rockefeller instantaneamente se tornou uma figura importante no Partido Republicano após sua eleição de 1958, os republicanos moderados divulgaram seu nome como candidato à presidência em 1960. Homem ambicioso, Rockefeller tinha planos de o cargo e fez uma viagem exploratória por todo o país em 1959, mas as qualidades que o tornaram um governador bem-sucedido não o tornavam um bom candidato nacional. Rockefeller normalmente confiava em sua equipe para conduzir uma grande quantidade de pesquisas. Em 1960, ele desistiu de buscar a indicação, relatando que "as pessoas que estavam conduzindo minha campanha diziam que não havia esperança". Ele simplesmente não tinha a determinação feroz que impelia outros homens, como Richard Nixon, a ignorar os pessimistas. A queda de um avião espião U-2 sobre a Rússia em maio de 1960 levou Rockefeller a ameaçar dividir o partido na convenção, colocando-se à disposição para um projeto, a menos que sua defesa de maiores gastos com defesa e maior apoio aos direitos civis se refletisse no Partido Republicano Plataforma de festa. Essa chantagem não tornou Rockefeller estimado pelos líderes do partido, e suas ações o feriram quando ele novamente flertou com a indicação nos anos subsequentes.

As campanhas presidenciais de Rockefeller também foram limitadas por seu governo, ao contrário dos eventuais candidatos presidenciais republicanos da década de 1960, Nixon e Barry Goldwater, ele tinha um estado para governar. Ele não teve o luxo de passar anos cortejando os fiéis do partido, nem, como ele reconheceu em seus dias de crepúsculo, ele teria se contentado em sentar-se à margem obtendo apoio enquanto outros governavam o país. Rockefeller também teve de atrair diversos eleitores urbanos multiétnicos para manter o poder político em Nova York, e os programas que atraíam tal público não necessariamente obtiveram a aprovação dos suburbanos brancos do sul ou do oeste. Os principais republicanos estaduais e locais em todo o país preferiram um líder mais conservador.

Em 1964, Rockefeller teve uma excelente chance de ganhar a indicação presidencial, mas sua vida pessoal lançava uma sombra muito sombria. Ele havia se apaixonado por Margaretta "Happy" Fitler Murphy, dezoito anos mais nova e casada, mãe de quatro filhos pequenos. Rockefeller e Happy se divorciaram de seus cônjuges e se casaram em 4 de maio de 1963. Antes de seu novo casamento, Rockefeller estava à frente de Goldwater nas pesquisas, mas suas ações lhe custaram essa vantagem. Para adicionar mais insulto, os partidários de Goldwater propuseram o slogan "Queremos um líder, não um amante." Rockefeller conseguiu vencer as primárias do Oregon em maio de 1964, mas o primeiro dos dois filhos que Happy deu à luz chegou em um momento infeliz uma semana antes das primárias da Califórnia. Com a moralidade de Rockefeller novamente no centro das atenções, os eleitores da Califórnia deram a vitória a Goldwater.

Em 1968, um analista da equipe disse a Rockefeller que ele não poderia ser nomeado para a presidência e que pretendia ficar de fora da campanha. Conseqüentemente, ele retirou-se publicamente em março de 1968, mas voltou a entrar na disputa no final de abril, após apelos de moderados e da comunidade empresarial. Tendo entrado tarde demais para lançar um sério desafio ao líder, Richard Nixon, e tendo antagonizado muitos republicanos importantes, a única esperança de Rockefeller residia em uma onda massiva de apoio. Ele gastou muito em publicidade na televisão nacional para aumentar suas pesquisas de opinião, mas não conseguiu superar a liderança de Nixon.

Apesar de suas diferenças com Nixon, Rockefeller apoiou lealmente o presidente. Um falcão e um forte anticomunista, ele apoiou a política de Nixon para o Vietnã e agiu como emissário do presidente para a América Latina em 1969. Continuando a ansiar pela presidência, ele renomeou Nixon na convenção de 1972 em uma tentativa de se posicionar melhor para o ano de 1976 campanha. Escolhido como vice-presidente de Gerald Ford quando Nixon e Agnew renunciaram em desgraça, Rockefeller foi empossado em 19 de dezembro de 1974 e se viu marginalizado na Casa Branca e em seu próprio partido. Ele se aposentou da política em 1975. Em uma noite de sexta-feira em 1979, ele se encontrou em particular com uma funcionária em sua casa em Nova York e sofreu um ataque cardíaco fatal, alimentando considerável especulação sobre as circunstâncias exatas de sua morte. Seus restos mortais cremados foram enterrados no Rockefeller Family Cemetery, perto da propriedade da família no condado de Westchester, em Sleepy Hollow, Nova York.

Um liberal e um crente em um governo ativista, Rockefeller saiu de sintonia com o Partido Republicano cada vez mais conservador dos anos 1960. Embora um governador muito admirado e enormemente popular que ajudou milhões de nova-iorquinos com políticas inovadoras, ele falhou em sua ambição de se tornar presidente porque não agradou aos eleitores do Sul e do Oeste que dominavam as fileiras republicanas.

Os papéis privados e governamentais de Rockefeller estão guardados no Rockefeller Archive Center, Pocantico Hills, perto de Tarrytown, Nova York. Ele é autor de vários livros, incluindo O Futuro do Federalismo (1962) Unidade, liberdade e paz (1968) e Nosso ambiente pode ser salvo (1970). Biografias de Rockefeller incluem James Desmond, Nelson Rockefeller: uma biografia política (1964) Robert H. Connery e Gerald Benjamin, Rockefeller de Nova York: Poder Executivo na Casa do Estado (1979) Joseph E. Persico, The Imperial Rockefeller: uma biografia de Nelson A. Rockefeller (1982) e James F. Underwood e William J. Daniels, Governador Rockefeller em Nova York: o ápice do liberalismo pragmático nos Estados Unidos (1982). De James Poling O registro Rockefeller: um autorretrato político (1960) é uma coleção de seus enunciados públicos. O Rockefeller dominante de sua geração, ele é fortemente coberto por Peter Collier e David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (1976). Nicol C. Rae, O declínio e queda dos republicanos liberais: de 1952 até o presente (1989), resume as disputas presidenciais de Rockefeller. Um obituário está no New York Times (27 de janeiro de 1979).


Nelson Rockefeller - História


Nelson Rockefeller nasceu em 8 de julho de 1908 em Bar Harbor Maine. Ele nasceu em uma das famílias mais ricas dos Estados Unidos, seu avô, John D. Rockefeller I, fez fortuna com a Standard Oil, e seus quatro irmãos se tornaram proeminentes em seus respectivos campos. Ele foi para o ensino fundamental e médio em uma escola experimental administrada pelo Teacher's College da Columbia University. Ele recebeu um diploma universitário do Dartmouth College. Nelson ingressou no serviço público em 1940, tornando-se coordenador de Assuntos Interamericanos no Departamento de Estado. Em 1944, foi nomeado Secretário de Estado Adjunto para a América Latina, ajudando a formular e implementar a política de "Boa Vizinhança" do presidente Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Durante a administração Truman, Rockefeller serviu como presidente do Conselho Consultivo de Desenvolvimento Internacional em ajuda aos países subdesenvolvidos e, sob o presidente Eisenhower, foi nomeado subsecretário do Departamento de Saúde, Educação e Bem-estar (1953-1955), após o qual foi um especial assistente do presidente para os negócios estrangeiros.

Rockefeller concorreu com sucesso ao governo de Nova York em 1958, derrotando W. Averell Harriman. Durante seus quatro mandatos sucessivos, Rockefeller deu início a programas de bem-estar e reabilitação de drogas em grande escala, reorganizou o sistema de transporte de Nova York e construiu grandes projetos de obras públicas. Para financiar seus programas, ele aumentou os impostos e iniciou um imposto estadual sobre vendas e renda.

Em 1971, Rockefeller foi atacado pela maneira como lidou com um violento levante na Prisão Estadual de Attica.

Rockefeller fez campanha para a nomeação republicana para presidente em 1960, 1964 e 1968, mas foi considerado liberal demais pelo partido. Após o escândalo Watergate que resultou na renúncia do presidente Nixon, Gerald Ford tornou-se presidente e escolheu Rockefeller como seu vice-presidente. Empossado em 19 de dezembro de 1974, ele chefiou a Comissão Rockefeller, investigando atividades supostamente ilegais da CIA.

Além disso, Rockefeller assessorou o governo em questões domésticas e econômicas. Quando Ford concorreu às eleições em 1976, Rockefeller recusou ser seu companheiro de chapa por causa da oposição da ala conservadora do Partido Republicano. No final de seu mandato como vice-presidente, Rockefeller aposentou-se pela vida privada.


John D. Rockefeller: Filantropia e anos finais

Rockefeller aposentou-se das operações de negócios do dia-a-dia da Standard Oil em meados da década de 1890. Inspirado em parte pelo colega magnata da Era Dourada, Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919), que fez uma vasta fortuna na indústria siderúrgica e depois se tornou um filantropo e doou a maior parte de seu dinheiro, Rockefeller doou mais de meio bilhão de dólares para várias instituições educacionais, causas religiosas e científicas através da Fundação Rockefeller. Entre suas atividades, ele financiou o estabelecimento da Universidade de Chicago e do Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research (agora Rockefeller University).

Em sua vida pessoal, Rockefeller era devotamente religioso, um defensor da temperança e um ávido jogador de golfe. Seu objetivo era chegar aos 100 anos, no entanto, ele morreu aos 97 em 23 de maio de 1937, em The Casements, sua casa de inverno em Ormond Beach, Flórida. (Rockefeller possuía várias residências, incluindo uma casa na cidade de Nova York, uma propriedade em Lakewood, Nova Jersey e uma propriedade chamada Kykuit, holandês antigo para & # x201Clookout, & # x201D situada em 3.000 acres perto de Tarrytown, Nova York.) Ele era enterrado no cemitério Lake View em Cleveland.


Como a Convenção Republicana de 1964 desencadeou uma revolução vinda da direita

Havia apenas três pequenos elevadores no Mark Hopkins, o esplêndido hotel antigo de São Francisco que serviu como quartel-general para os concorrentes Barry Goldwater e William Scranton durante a Convenção Nacional Republicana de 1964. A espera naquela quente semana de julho pode chegar a 45 minutos. No dia em que Goldwater aceitaria a indicação no Cow Palace, na vizinha Daly City, ele pegou um elevador de serviço na cozinha do hotel.

Desta História

Vídeo: Suportes Políticos

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That was where a reporter cornered the Arizona senator and asked him whether the Democrats would campaign on the fact that nearly 70 percent of the convention delegates, acting on his campaign's instructions, had voted down a platform plank affirming the constitutionality of the recently passed Civil Rights Act. "After Lyndon Johnson—the biggest faker in the United States? He opposed civil rights until this year. Let them make an issue of it," Goldwater snapped back. "He's the phoniest individual who ever came around."

Goldwater's tone reflected the tenor of this ugliest of Republican conventions since 1912, as entrenched moderates faced off against conservative insurgents. In an era in which a national consensus seemed to have coalesced around advancing civil rights, containing Communism and expanding government, the moderates believed they had to win to preserve the Republican Party. The conservatives—who wanted to contain the role of the federal government and roll back Communism—believed they were saving not just the party but Western civilization.

The logy Mark Hopkins elevators gave the insurgents, flooding into town for what Goldwater biographer Robert Alan Goldberg called the "Woodstock of the right," at least two chances a day to bait Chet Huntley and David Brinkley, anchors of NBC's nightly newscast—and crypto-liberals, according to their harassers. "You know, these nighttime news shows sound to me like they're being broadcast from Moscow," one conservative observed to another on the way down, loud enough for the two newsmen to hear. Brinkley forbade his son, Alan, to show his NBC insignia, except to security.

The volume of right-wing rage at the media was novel at this Republican convention. Unprecedented, too, was the attention focused on the issue of television coverage. The convention was the first since CBS and NBC had expanded their nightly newscasts from 15 minutes to 30 minutes, and the first since the assassination and funeral of President John F. Kennedy redefined the bond between television and politics. In 1960, there were about as many journalists, both print and broadcast, as delegates. Four years later, broadcasters alone outnumbered delegates two to one.

As it happened, Alan Brinkley grew up to become one of the most distinguished historians of 20th-century American politics. He has written of the 1964 conventions, Republican and Democratic, as transitional—managed by politicians who were accustomed to backroom deal-making and high-pressure crowd tactics and were caught up short to learn that they were suddenly in the business of producing a TV show.

And what a show the GOP convention was! Conservatives from the West, the South and the Midwest were convinced that the only way moderate "Wall Street Republicans" had been able to run away with the presidential nomination every four years was that "a few secret kingmakers in New York" conspired to steal it, as Illinois activist Phyllis Schlafly put it in a self-published book, A Choice Not an Echo, several hundred thousand copies of which were distributed in the summer of 1964. (Some convention delegates reported receiving more than 60 copies in the mail.) They weren't going to let it be stolen this time.

Goldwater's finance chairman, Bill Middendorf, warned campaign aide Dean Burch that "the 1952 tricks will be used again": planted stories, whispering campaigns, threats, cajolery and the "shanghaiing and spiriting of delegates and alternates to distant points." Goldwater delegates were warned to be on the lookout "for unexpectedly easy companionship from new-found female friends." They were to contact the Goldwater headquarters on the 15th floor of the Mark Hopkins immediately after landing at the airport and to travel around town in pairs along pre-timed routes in radio-equipped cars. They used walkie-talkies only as back-ups, because these could be too easily tapped into—as, indeed, they had tapped into Scranton's.

Bill Scranton, whose patrician family ran the Pennsylvania coal town that bore his name, seemed to comedian Dick Gregory like "the guy who runs to John Wayne for help." (Goldwater looked like a cowboy.) Scranton had entered the race as a last-minute act of noblesse oblige. "Today the nation—and indeed the world—waits to see if another proud political banner will falter, grow limp and collapse in the dust," he had said as he announced his candidacy just four weeks before the convention. "Lincoln would cry out in pain if we sold out our principles."

According to a Harris Poll taken late that June, 62 percent of rank and file Republicans preferred Scranton to Goldwater, but the supposed Wall Street kingmakers were in dithering disarray. ("What in God's name has happened to the Republican Party!" muttered Henry Cabot Lodge —the party's 1960 vice presidential nominee—as he paged through the delegate list in his hotel room. "I hardly know any of these people!") The moderates' strategy was to put the Goldwaterites' perceived extremism on televised display, hoping delegates would flock to Scranton after being flooded by telegrams from outraged voters watching at home.

The moderates circulated a translation of an interview Goldwater had given to a German newsmagazine, in which he was quoted as saying he would tell his generals in Vietnam, "Fellows, we made the decision to win, now it's your problem." CBS correspondent Daniel Schorr then reported, "It is now clear that Senator Goldwater's interview with Der Spiegel with its hard line appealing to right-wing elements in Germany was only the start of a move to link up with his opposite numbers in Germany," with Schorr basing his assertion simply on the fact that Goldwater would be vacationing after the convention at an American military installation that was, coincidentally, in the former Nazi stronghold of Bavaria. (Schorr later said he did not mean to suggest "a conscious effort" by Goldwater to connect with the German right.)

Schorr's report only stirred the hornet's nest: the delegates who had trooped to the conservative Woodstock to nominate Goldwater greeted calls that they abandon him with angry defiance, and their loyalty put their candidate over the top. When Nelson Rockefeller, speaking to the assembled, advocated a platform plank denouncing extremism, galleries full of exuberant conservatives booed him. In his acceptance speech, Goldwater capped off the snub by lustily and defiantly proclaiming: "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And. moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!" He raised the rafters.

The "stench of fascism is in the air," Pat Brown, California's liberal Democratic governor, told the press. His view was widely shared. The political world's near unanimous judgment was that Goldwater's landslide loss to LBJ that November was a disaster for all Republicans, not just conservative Republicans.

But Bill Middendorf would more accurately call his memoir of that year A Glorious Disaster. Out of its ashes and out of the fervent grassroots organizing that delivered Goldwater his unlikely nomination emerged a Republican Party surer of its identity and better positioned to harvest the bounty—particularly in the South—when the American mood shifted to the right during the cacophonous years that followed.

Rick Perlstein is the author, most recently, of Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America.


&aposMan at the Crossroads&apos Controversy

By 1938, at 30 years old, Rockefeller was named the president of Rockefeller Center, Inc. His tenure, however, was not without controversy: In 1934, he famously ordered the demolition of a mural by Mexican artist Diego Rivera, entitled "Man at the Crossroads," which portrayed Soviet leader Vladimir Lenin. While he had commissioned Rivera to complete a mural in the RCA building, located at Rockefeller Center, Rockefeller (along with several others who managed to view the work before it was publicly unveiled) disliked Rivera&aposs insertion of Lenin𠅊n addition that was neither approved nor known about in advance. The artist had reportedly included the Soviet leader in his mural in an attempt to portray the turbulent political atmosphere at the time, which was largely defined by conflicting capitalist and socialist ideologies and escalating fears regarding the growth of the Communist Party.

An ensuing publish backlash against the Rockefellers—who, after long proclaiming a deep dedication to the arts, now looked both hypocritical and tyrannical—reportedly humiliated Rockefeller&aposs mother, Abby, who, in response to the negative publicity, stated that she had never wanted the mural to be destroyed. While Rockefeller is widely credited with demolishing Rivera&aposs mural, John Jr. later attempted to explain the incident, stating, "The picture was obscene and, in the judgment of Rockefeller Center, an offense to good taste. It was for this reason primarily that Rockefeller Center decided to destroy it."


The story of Nelson Rockefeller's death and the spin that kept the (sexy) truth out of the headlines

They didn't recognize the shoeless man lying unconscious on the floor of the posh Manhattan townhouse. The blonde trying to resuscitate him was frightened and out of breath.

"How long has he been out?" one of the paramedics asked.

His body was warm, but they couldn't find a pulse. Now they began administering oxygen and injecting powerful drugs into the shoeless man's veins to jump-start his heart.

Six minutes later the electrocardiogram line gave a wiggle. But as paramedic William McCabe radioed nearby St. Clare's Hospital that the squad was ready to roll, he got inexplicable orders to head for farther-away Lenox Hill Hospital instead.

At Lenox Hill a few minutes later, the ambulance was met by Dr. Ernest Esakof.

"All right," Esakof announced to the crew. "Let's not talk about this."

At 12:20 a.m. on Saturday the 26th of January 1979, 70-year-old Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, former four-term governor of the State of New York and former vice president of the United States of America, was declared dead, apparently of a heart attack.

Forty minutes later, Rockefeller family spokesman Hugh Morrow began unspooling the official story of the great man's last moments.

But matters were already spinning out of control.

The scion of the family that oversaw America's most famous fortune, Nelson Rockefeller lusted his entire life for that which even his millions could not buy the presidency.

An aristocrat who treated his wives to new Rolls-Royces each year, he had nonetheless always been a hit with the masses. "Rocky" worked hard at being a regular guy, throwing out a jaunty "Hiya, fella!" as he glad-handed voters en route to his four terms in Albany.

But he was often at odds with his own Republican Party, and in the twilight of his career he'd had to settle for a truncated two-year stint as vice president to Gerald Ford, a man the otherwise populist Rockefeller considered his distinct inferior.

In the summer of 1975, the unhappy veep had met a 22-year-old wire-service reporter named Megan Marshack, who seemed to have won his interest by plying him with cookies. When he left Washington the following year, Marshack came back to New York with him as his $60,000-a-year assistant moving into a luxurious co-op at 25 W. 54th St., a few doors from the townhouse Rockefeller kept in the city.

The first press reports of Rockefeller's death paid moving tribute to the hardworking GOP elder who had died at his desk while working on a book about modern art.

Solemnly, Morrow told reporters Rockefeller had suffered a heart attack at 10:15 Friday night in his office at 30 Rockefeller Plaza and that a security aide, the only other person present, had tried to revive him and failed. The stricken man had been admitted to Lenox Hill at 11:15, he said, and widow Happy Rockefeller had arrived at 12:25 a.m., 10 minutes too late. Of the frightened blonde, Morrow made no mention.

The following day, Morrow admitted he'd gotten one or two details wrong. Actually, Rockefeller had died at his 54th St. townhouse, he said. A chauffeur also had been there at the time. Of the blonde, there was still no mention.

But there she was in the police reports, and now the press wanted to know about her.

Well, yes, Morrow acknowledged, he had just learned that Nelson Rockefeller's young assistant also had been present when his heart gave out.

In his death, the distinguished Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller now became a lurid tabloid astonisher.

None of the story held up. He'd been stricken at 10:15, he arrived at the hospital at 11:15 why, the press wondered, had it taken an hour to get Rockefeller to the hospital? No, the Rockefeller camp said, the heart attack had actually occurred minutes before 11:15 and the time originally given out had been incorrect. "It was simply a case of people under pressure making a mistake," said spokesman George Taylor. As for Marshack, said Morrow, she had called 911, and that was the sole extent of her involvement.

But it wasn't Marshack who had called 911 at all, it quickly developed. That call had been made by TV personality Ponchitta Pierce, who lived in Marshack's building and who had departed the scene before cops arrived.

Marshack was gone now too visiting friends in the country, Morrow said, he didn't know where. That story collapsed when it was learned that The Associated Press had reached Marshack by phone four hours after Rockefeller's heart stopped beating, and that she'd told the AP that Morrow was with her.

Morrow clammed up altogether at this point.

By now the questions were too large to contain. Why hadn't there been an autopsy? Why had Rockefeller been so quickly cremated? And who exactly was this Miss Marshack, anyway?

Megan Marshack had several acquaintances quite willing to dish to the papers. Quickly there came revelations that Rockefeller had helped her buy her plush apartment, furnished it with antiques and art from his personal collection, provided for riding lessons at his Pocantico Hills estate in Westchester. Marshack's neighbors said Rockefeller, stooped though he was by worsening health, was a frequent visitor and always brought flowers for his comely assistant. Former co-workers made it plain they regarded Marshack as a gold-digger, a woman who talked openly of snaring a man with money.

Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau made an "informal" inquiry into the events surrounding Rockefeller's death then declined to reveal what he'd turned up. "I don't want to get into questions like that," he said.

In an America still uncertainly coming to terms with the notion of seeing the names and reputations of its devoted public servants sullied, social observers fretted that the line between news and gossip was perhaps becoming blurred, not to mention the line between privacy and public interest. But it wasn't long before Johnny Carson could start drawing laughs merely by uttering the words "Megan Marshack."


American Experience

Nelson A. Rockefeller. Rockefeller Archive Center

Nelson Rockefeller believed in fate. After all, he was born on the same day as his larger-than-life grandfather, John D. Rockefeller, Sr., a coincidence he always took to be an omen of great things to come. With Senior, he shared an ambitious vision and the boundless energy to make it real. But in other respects, Nelson couldn't have been more different from the Rockefeller patriarch. Turning his back on the intense privacy that had shielded the family for generations, he took the Rockefellers in a bold new direction. He wanted to be popular and powerful. And he wanted to be President of the United States. But fate, it turned out, would not oblige.

Born on July 8, 1908 in Bar Harbor, Maine, Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller soon showed signs of the irrepressible temperament that would be his trademark. He led his brothers in all kinds of projects, displaying the charm and vitality inherited from his mother, Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, who clearly favored him. Nelson had a more strained relationship with his father, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., whose emphasis on discipline and modesty didn't quite suit his third child.

Unlike his father, in fact, Nelson always seemed to be in a hurry. He got married just a few days after graduating from Dartmouth, and was soon searching for ways to "get very far in this world," as he put it. The newly started Riockefeller Center project provided a good launching pad. Building on his interest in modern art, which he had inherited from his mother, he handled relations with the artists hired to embellish the complex, including the controversial Diego Rivera. He also plunged into the task of finding tenants for the ambitious complex, showing leadership and managerial skills that would make him indispensable in the family venture. In 1938, at the age of 29, he was named president of Rockefeller Center.

But Rockefeller's restlessness and ambition would soon push him beyond the confines of New York City. Seeking a role in national politics, he joined President Roosevelt's administration in 1940 as the head of a new agency for Latin-American affairs. He stayed in Washington for the next five years, and again between 1953 and 1955, working on foreign affairs, government reorganization, and public policy under Presidents Truman and Eisenhower.

Rockefeller was determined to use the experience he had accumulated in the federal government to gain elective political office. In 1958, he decided to run for governor of New York State. His campaign revealed a confident and affable politician, at his best when pressing the flesh and striking up conversations with the people who came out to see him. "Hi Ya, Fella" became his signature greeting. "Rocky," his nickname. After a massive campaign, bankrolled with his legendary fortune, Rockefeller won the election handily. o New York Times did not fail to notice the historical significance of the result: "The election of Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller has given the final stamp of public approval to a name that once was among the most hated and feared in America."

Rockefeller wasted no time making the most of his new political prominence. As governor, he took it upon himself to change the physical face of New York State through an array of sweeping public works projects. He built low-income housing, schools, hospitals, roads, and monuments -- among them, the grandiose Albany Mall, a marble complex which is now the seat of the State government. He also established a strong and ambitious state university system (SUNY) and a modern highway network, spending liberally with the help of complicated financing schemes. But as he dove into his own brand of gubernatorial activism, Rockefeller never lost sight of his ultimate goal.

In 1960, barely two years into his first term as governor, he sought the Republican presidential nomination, but lost to Richard Nixon. Four years later, he would come much closer, ultimately yielding to Barry Goldwater and the fallout from a controversial second marriage. But Rockefeller's timing was flawed. His liberal views in social issues and domestic policy (including civil rights) were out of step with the shift to the right in the Republican Party since the late 1950s. In 1968, the year of his third and last try, the so-called "Rockefeller Republican" — a liberal in domestic policy and a hawk when it came to foreign affairs -- was facing extinction.

Rockefeller himself had not been immune to the impact of his party's transformation. Re-elected to the governorship three times -- in 1962, 1966, and 1970 — he too gradually moved to the right. His ill-fated decision to suppress the Attica prison riot in 1971 made him the target of bitter criticism from the left and the media. He became a champion of "law and order," staging a crackdown on "welfare chiselers" and introducing extremely harsh drug laws that called for lengthy prison sentences for petty crimes. Some of these measures, along with the widespread patronage and budgetary excesses that dominated New York politics during Rockefeller's tenure, overshadowed the accomplishments of his 15 years in office.

Rockefeller had always refused offers to be "standby equipment," as he referred to the nomination for vice president. But when in the summer of 1974 he was asked to take on that role by President Ford following the Watergate scandal, he did not hesitate. This could be his last chance ever of reaching the highest office. But his appointment was controversial, and what should have been a swift confirmation process turned into a protracted and grueling inquiry into the extent of the Rockefeller fortune and its hidden influence. "This myth about the power which my family exercises needs to be brought out into the light," Rockefeller argued before the Senate committee. "It just does not exist. I've got to tell you, I don't wield economic power." Unable to prove that the opposite was true, Congress confirmed Rockefeller's nomination, but his was a lame-duck tenure, cinched by President Ford's decision to drop him from his re-election ticket.

It would be four years before Rockefeller made headlines again. On Sunday, January 27, 1979, New Yorkers awoke to the news that Nelson Rockefeller had died of a heart attack at the age of 71 while working at his office in mid-town Manhattan. In the days ahead, as dignitaries and associates sang his praises, the actual circumstances of Rockefeller's death began to emerge: he had died in his townhouse while in the company of a young female staff assistant 45 years his junior. Her delay in calling the paramedics stirred endless speculation, leaving many questions unanswered. But one thing was certain: in death, as in life, Nelson Rockefeller had once again pushed the boundaries of the Rockefellers.


The Life and Strangely Sexual Death of Nelson Rockefeller

The famed businessman’s 70 years on Earth before succumbing to an alleged sex-fueled heart attack are truly the stuff beyond legend.

Brobdingnagian, a word penned by Jonathan Swift in Gulliver’s Travels, comes closest to describing politician Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller’s peregrinations on this planet as a man of both towering intellect and colossal blind spots. Which also probably pegs his appeal, since there have not been many figures in public life who were so public about their thinking even when they thought stupid stuff — Bill Clinton came close and exceeded Rockefeller in craft by a full measure.

Or, in Rockefeller’s case, did stupid stuff. Like? Like in 1972, when, as governor of New York, he set the National Guard loose on rioting inmates at Attica Prison, which left 39 people dead, 10 of them hostages. And então breezily explained it away later while chatting with President Richard Nixon by saying, according to o New York Times, “That’s life.”

Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican.

Heavy, and existentially so, but in keeping with the man who, on a campaign swing in 1976 as vice president to Gerald Ford, greeted hecklers with a raised middle finger, for a time dubbed the Rockefeller Salute, and refused to apologize for it. Because? Well, because he was Nelson Rockefeller. Who held the special salute long enough for people in the press pool to get all the photos they needed.

“Not bad for a Dartmouth man,” says former Newsday reporter Ed Newton, laughing. But outside of being a reliable generator of comedy, Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican. “Reagan and Goldwater didn’t have the time of day for him,” says Newton. For good reasons, they thought. Rockefeller gave somewhat of a damn about the environment, and he spent money on education. Indeed, it was largely through his agency that the multicampus State University of New York was created. And the capper for some of the more doctrinaire Republicans: Through investment in New York State’s infrastructure, he was in tight with the unions.

Nelson A. Rockefeller in the late 1950s, when he first sought the governorship of New York.

See, Rockefeller was the grandson of both the man widely held to be the wealthiest American of all time, as well as the richest person in modern history, according to PBS and Fortuna revista. Nevertheless, oilman John D. Rockefeller was a pragmatist. With a schoolteacher mother and an education forged in a tony Upper West Side experimental school staffed with teachers from Columbia University’s Teachers College, Rockefeller did end up being a Dartmouth man. Cum laude, no less.

And, as time unspooled, not only would Rocky work in the family concerns, which at that point included, well, everything from oil to banking, and dabble in the requisite rich-guy stuff involving universities, art and museums, but he would also pursue the aforementioned crazy career in the public sector.

In addition to vice president and governor, Rockefeller did time, twice, as a cabinet secretary. First as assistant secretary of state for American republic affairs under Roosevelt and then Truman. And second as under secretary of health, education and welfare in the Eisenhower administration. But that high-profile public service is not how he’s remembered or why we’re talking about him here.

Here’s why. Rockefeller died from a heart attack on Jan. 26, 1979, at age 70, not that surprising, even if, as I spread out the paper that fateful morning, I was surprised. (Rockefeller was fond of seeing a psychic for some of life’s stickier moments, so he should have seen it coming.) At least he died doing what he loved, which the early reports indicated was slaving away at his desk in Rockefeller Center. On a book about art. Which is where he was found by security, slumped over his desk.

Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died.

Allan MacDonell, journalist

As maybe Rockefeller himself would have wanted it, maybe, the report was soon corrected to state that he had had the attack at another “office.” This one a townhouse. In attendance was a 25-year-old “aide,” name of Megan Marshack. Which was a little more surprising, and which the media had a field day with, which really should surprise no one.

“Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died,” says Allan MacDonell, a journalist whose investigative chops would later bring down Republican Senator Bob Packwood and an executive editor at Hustler for 20-some-very-odd years. “I was in my early 30s when I saw her, and accustomed to working at Hustler. I remember thinking: She doesn’t look like heart attack material.”

The deceased’s family, including wife Happy Rockefeller, tastefully demurred, even if longtime aide Joseph Persico confirmed the affair. The issue for them, though, was that their loved one was dead and would be missed. At the memorial service a week later, more than 2,000 people showed up to pay their respects, feeling very much the same way.

Despite it all. Despite Rocky’s three failed attempts to secure the presidency, the dead in Attica, divorce, remarriage, infidelity, middle finger, friendship with Henry Kissinger — despite it all, it was comfortably being acknowledged: a major player had passed.


Nelson A. Rockefeller, 1908-1979

Nelson A. Rockefeller was a businessman, politician, statesman, art collector, and philanthropist. He was born on July 8, 1908, in Bar Harbor, Maine, the third of six children of Abby Aldrich and John D. Rockefeller, Jr. He graduated from the Lincoln School of Teachers College at Columbia University in New York City in 1926. Nelson attended Dartmouth College, where he was elected to Phi Beta Kappa, graduating cum laude in 1930 with an A.B. degree in economics.

In June 1930, Nelson married Mary Todhunter Clark in Bala Cynwyd, Pennsylvania. They had two daughters and three sons. They divorced in 1962. In May 1963, Nelson married Margaretta (Happy) Fitler Murphy at his brother Laurance’s home in Pocantico Hills, New York. Happy had had four children from a previous marriage, and together they had two sons. They had homes in Manhattan Pocantico Hills, New York Washington, DC Seal Harbor, Maine Venezuela and western Texas.

After college, Nelson was active in family enterprises, including real estate, banking, and philanthropies. His major business interests eventually became focused on Rockefeller Center and Latin America. In 1938, he became the president of Rockefeller Center. During this same time, his service in government began, as a member of the Westchester County Board of Health in 1933.

In 1935, because of his interest in international affairs and his desire to learn about U.S. business abroad, Nelson became a director of Creole Petroleum Company, the Venezuelan subsidiary of Standard Oil of New Jersey. This association led to his life-long interest in Latin America. He made extensive visits to Latin America in 1937 and 1939 to study economic, social, and political conditions.

In 1940, Nelson and his four brothers organized the Rockefeller Brothers Fund to carry out a broad range of philanthropic activities.

Following his 1939 visit to Latin America, Mr. Rockefeller prepared a memorandum for President Franklin D. Roosevelt outlining his deep concern over Nazi influence and penetration into that part of the world. In the memo he recommended a program of cooperation with the nations of the western hemisphere to achieve better relations among these nations and to help raise their standards of living. Largely as a result of this memo, in August 1940 President Roosevelt asked Nelson to initiate and head the Office of Inter-American Affairs.

Nelson served as Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, his first full-time position in public service, until December 1944, when President Roosevelt appointed him Assistant Secretary of State for American Republic Affairs. In this post, he attended the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace in February 1945 in Mexico City. It resulted in the Act of Chapultepec, which provided the framework for cooperation among the nations of the western hemisphere and established the principle that an attack on one of these nations would be regarded as an attack on all and jointly resisted.

Nelson also attended the United Nations Conference on International Organization in San Francisco in 1945. He believed that the formation of regional pacts such as the Act of Chapultepec was essential, and during the conference, he successfully argued for regional pacts within the framework of the United Nations. The importance of this victory was underscored by the subsequent formation of NATO, SEATO, and the Rio Pact.

Nelson resigned as Assistant Secretary of State in August 1945. Upon his return to private life in New York in 1946, he became chair of the board of Rockefeller Center and undertook a program of physical expansion. In July 1946, the Rockefeller brothers established a philanthropic organization, the American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA). AIA financed nonprofit projects to ameliorate health, educational, agricultural, and other social problems in the poorer areas of Latin America. Nelson Rockefeller served as its president from 1946 to 1953 and from 1957 through 1958.

Additionally, in 1947, he organized the International Basic Economy Corporation (IBEC) to help raise living standards in foreign countries through new economic enterprises. In its early years, IBEC concentrated on enterprises in Latin America but later expanded its activities to other regions. Nelson served as its president from 1947 to 1953 and from 1956 to 1958.

In 1950, President Harry S. Truman asked Nelson to serve as chair of the International Development Advisory Board. The Board was charged with recommending policies for carrying out the Point IV program to provide technical assistance to developing nations. Its final report, entitled “Partners in Progress,” provided the basic blueprint for America’s foreign assistance program.

In November 1952, President-elect Dwight D. Eisenhower asked Nelson to serve as chair of the President’s Advisory Committee on Government Organization, a group created to recommend ways to improve the efficiency of the executive branch of the government. As chair, Nelson recommended 13 reorganization plans, 10 of which were approved by Congress, resulting in changes in the organization of the Department of Defense, the Department of Agriculture, and the Office of Defense Mobilization. The recommendations also led to the establishment of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. In June 1953, Nelson was appointed under secretary of the new department. He was especially active in the department’s legislative program, recommending measures that added coverage of an additional 10 million people under the Social Security program. Nelson resigned from HEW in 1954 to become Special Assistant to the President for Foreign Affairs.

While serving as Special Assistant, Nelson played a key role in the development of the “Open Skies” proposal for inspection of world armaments through mutual air reconnaissance. He accompanied President Eisenhower to the Geneva Summit Conference in 1955, where the plan was proposed by the President. Nelson resigned as Special Assistant at the end of 1955.

After years of appointed government service, Nelson first ran for public office in 1958 and was elected Governor of New York on November 4, defeating incumbent Averill Harriman. He was subsequently re-elected to three more consecutive terms, thus becoming the first governor in the nation’s history to be elected to four 4-year terms. As a progressive Republican, he vastly increased the state’s role in education, environmental protection, transportation, housing, welfare, and the arts. His candidacies for the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964, and 1968 were not successful. Nelson resigned as Governor in December 1973.

In August 1974, President Gerald R. Ford nominated Nelson to fill the vacant U.S. vice presidency following the resignation of President Richard M. Nixon. He served as Vice President from December 19, 1974, to January 20, 1977. During his tenure, he served as chair of the President’s Domestic Council and as chair of the commission that investigated the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency inside the United States. He was a proponent of the short-lived Energy Independence Authority, and he continued his service on the National Commission on Water Quality, which he had chaired under President Nixon.

Throughout his life Nelson was an avid supporter of the arts. Under his stewardship as governor, New York was one of the first states to form a council on the arts (1960), a predecessor to the National Endowment for the Arts. Nelson served as a trustee, treasurer, president, and chair of the board of the Museum of Modern Art, which his mother cofounded. In 1954, he founded the Museum of Primitive Art, which collected indigenous art of the Americas, Africa, Oceania, and early Asia and Europe. When that museum closed in the late 1960s, Nelson arranged for the collections to go the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Nelson began his personal art collection in earnest in the late 1930s. During the next four decades he acquired highly renowned works of modern and Mexican folk art, which he bequeathed to Museum of Modern Art and the San Antonio (Texas) Museum of Art, respectively. Following his service as U.S. Vice President, Nelson launched an art-reproduction business called the Nelson Rockefeller Collection, Inc. that sold high-end, limited-edition reproductions through its catalog and retail store in Manhattan.

Nelson Rockefeller died of a heart attack on January 26, 1979, at his offices in New York City.


Assista o vídeo: Looking back at the life and politics of Nelson Rockefeller