18/05/2016 Tensões com militares - Intriga Política - História

18/05/2016 Tensões com militares - Intriga Política - História


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18/05/2016 Lieberman provavelmente será Ministro da Defesa

Hoje foi um dos dias mais agitados da história da política israelense. Tudo isso aconteceu em meio a uma história maior de contínuas tensões entre os militares e o governo.

A saga de hoje começou com membros do Partido Trabalhista de Israel parecendo conduzir seu próprio pelotão de fuzilamento circular. Depois de negar veementemente que estava negociando para entrar no governo de Netanyahu, o chefe do Partido Trabalhista, MK Yitzchak “Buji” Herzog admitiu que estava em negociações avançadas para fazê-lo. As razões exatas pelas quais ele está fazendo isso agora permanecem um pouco um mistério. A maioria dos observadores acredita que isso está relacionado à queda acentuada da popularidade do Partido Trabalhista nas pesquisas recentes; pesquisas que mostram que os trabalhistas perdem entre um terço e a metade de sua cadeira no parlamento, se as eleições forem realizadas hoje. Yair Lapid, do partido de Yesh Atid, tem sido o principal beneficiário das perdas projetadas do Trabalhismo, com o partido de Lapid ganhando quase todas as cadeiras perdidas.

Os movimentos de Herzog não foram apreciados por quase nenhum dos outros membros do Parlamento de seu partido - com todos, exceto três, declarando que se opõem ao movimento, e alguns sustentando ainda que não há nenhuma circunstância sob a qual eles aceitariam qualquer posição em um governo de Netanyahu. Os oponentes do Partido Trabalhista concordando em entrar em uma Coalizão de Unidade afirmam que qualquer governo sob Netanyahu não fará nenhuma mudança na política, apesar de ter o Partido Trabalhista dentro.

Em sua defesa, Herzog afirma que existem oportunidades extraordinárias de negociações com o mundo árabe neste momento; negociações nas quais só ele poderia se envolver. Ontem, Herzog citou um discurso do presidente egípcio Abdel Fattah Saeed Hussein Khalil el-Sisi pedindo novas negociações sob os auspícios egípcios, entre Israel e os palestinos como uma dessas oportunidades.

Hoje, o líder do partido Yisrael Beiteinu, o ex-ministro das Relações Exteriores Avigdor Lieberman, anunciou que estaria disposto a entrar no governo se lhe fosse oferecido o cargo de ministro da Defesa e se Netanyahu apoiasse seu projeto de imposição da pena de morte para terroristas. Esta tarde Netanyahu convidou Lieberman para se encontrar e Herzog anunciou que estava suspendendo suas discussões com Netanyahu até que Netanyahu decida que tipo de governo ele quer - isto é, de acordo com Herzog, um governo de medo e isolamento, ou um governo de esperança e possibilidades. Nesta noite, foi anunciado que o Yisrael Beiteinu e o Likud criaram um comitê conjunto para negociar sua entrada no governo. MK Stav Shafir, um dos membros mais populares do Partido Trabalhista, pediu que Herzog renunciasse esta noite, dizendo que a única coisa que suas negociações trouxeram foi a possibilidade de Lieberman se tornar ministro da Defesa.

Essas discussões ocorreram à sombra das crescentes tensões entre os militares e os escalões políticos que se acumularam nos últimos meses. No mês passado, essa cepa atingiu um nível completamente novo. Justamente, ou não, na maior parte do mundo os militares têm a reputação de serem os que realizam ações extremas - muito mais do que a liderança política. Tradicionalmente, entretanto, esse não tem sido o caso em Israel; onde a alta liderança das forças armadas tem sido politicamente cautelosa e aparentemente mais consciente das limitações do poder.

Essa tem sido a posição dos militares durante as últimas guerras de Gaza - e ainda mais, nos últimos meses (durante o forte aumento do terror, principalmente perpetrado por jovens palestinos). Alguns membros do governo de Netanyahu têm pedido uma ação militar mais forte. Ao mesmo tempo, muitos militares afirmaram que não há solução militar para a atual onda de hostilidades. Ao longo do último mês, as diferentes abordagens entre o governo militar e o governo civil tornaram-se cada vez mais evidentes. Após o disparo de um atacante subjugado por um soldado israelense, (um ato que aparentemente violou as regras militares de engajamento), as ações do soldado foram imediatamente condenadas pela alta liderança militar, incluindo o Ministro da Defesa Moshe "Bogie" Ya'alon. O soldado foi preso imediatamente.

No início, o PM Netanyahu condenou o tiroteio. Pouco depois, Netanyahu aparentemente mudou de posição, quando políticos de direita (liderados pelo Ministro da Educação Naftali Bennet) vieram em defesa do soldado atirador. O primeiro-ministro ligou para a família do soldado acusado para expressar condolências, deixando o alto escalão militar exposto a novas críticas.

Então, duas semanas atrás, uma nova polêmica se desenvolveu, quando o subchefe do Estado-Maior do Exército, General Yair Golan, fez um discurso sobre o Dia da Memória do Holocausto alertando sobre certos fenômenos na sociedade israelense hoje que o lembram de eventos na Europa 70, 80 e 90 anos atrás. Golan foi recebido com uma onda de ataques dirigidos contra ele por políticos de direita, entre eles, o primeiro-ministro. Esses legisladores castigaram Golan por ter a audácia de fazer qualquer conexão entre o Holocausto e os eventos que ocorreram em Israel. Alguns pediram a renúncia de Golan. O Ministro da Defesa Ya'alon foi o único ministro do governo que defendeu Golan. De sua parte, Golan esclareceu seus comentários e disse que não era sua intenção comparar Israel hoje à Alemanha nazista de forma alguma.

No fim de semana, Ya'alon se viu no centro da tempestade, mais uma vez, quando fez um discurso no qual pediu aos oficiais seniores das IDF que não tivessem medo de falar o que pensavam - mesmo que suas opiniões fossem diferentes das políticas Liderança. Ya'alon foi imediatamente atacado por vários políticos e convocado para uma reunião com o primeiro-ministro. No final da reunião, foi emitida uma declaração conjunta, na qual Ya'alon reconheceu a primazia do ramo político sobre o exército; e Netanyahu declarou que respeita o direito dos militares de expressar seu julgamento em áreas de preocupação profissional.

Essa polêmica, no entanto, não dá sinais de desaparecer. Na noite passada, o Canal 10 de Israel exibiu uma gravação secreta do comandante da área de Hebron, Coronel Yariv Ben-Ezra, dando uma instrução de orientação aos oficiais do batalhão de reserva prestes a ser implantado lá. Na gravação, Ben-Ezra ataca o soldado que matou o palestino subjugado, dizendo que não havia perigo de vida naquele caso, e que as ações desse soldado são o que colocou seus soldados em perigo. Na fita, Ben-Ezra continua dizendo que o exército deve resistir aos esforços dos políticos e rabinos para influenciar os soldados a desenvolverem seu próprio código de conflito. Finalmente, Ben-Ezra afirma que não há meios militares reais para acabar com a atual rodada de violência, que ele prevê que vai piorar, a menos que haja uma mudança geral de direção.

Com os últimos acontecimentos desta noite, há uma chance real de Ya'alon ser substituído por Lieberman, um político que saltou publicamente em defesa do soldado que matou o atacante em Hebron.


Espionagem e inteligência, primeiros fundamentos históricos

civilizações antigas, começando 6.000 anos atrás na Mesopotâmia, geraram instituições e pessoas devotadas à segurança e preservação de seus regimes dominantes. As operações clandestinas e secretas geram mais intrigas, mas a história da espionagem é melhor descrita em termos da evolução de seus componentes mais mundanos de espionagem. Ao longo da história, inteligência foi definida como a coleta, seleção, análise e disseminação de informações críticas e estratégicas. Sua prática e implicações, entretanto, são amplamente diversas.


História Política: História da Política

Do Mundo Antigo ao Fim da Idade Média

A história política no Ocidente começa com duas obras-primas: Heródoto & # x27s história das Guerras Persas, escrita entre 445 e 425 aC e Tucídides & # x27s história do longo conflito entre Atenas e Esparta, que começou em 424 aC e deixou inacabado quando morreu um quarto de século depois. Produtos da extraordinária explosão de energia cultural que transformou a Grécia dos séculos V e IV aC, Heródoto e Tucídides combinaram um profundo senso da importância de sua própria época - Heródoto escreveu sobre o passado recente, Tucídides sobre eventos em que ele mesmo havia vivido parte - com a consciência da responsabilidade do historiador em estabelecer a verdade sobre o passado. Ambos os homens refletiram sobre os problemas da pesquisa histórica, a confiabilidade das testemunhas oculares e a necessidade de analisar criticamente o material original. Mais do que qualquer forma particular de escrever história, este foi o legado mais significativo para futuros historiadores ( Vejo Pensamento histórico e historiografia: período clássico (especialmente Grécia e Roma).

O estudo da história era mais importante em Roma do que na Grécia, talvez porque os romanos sempre estiveram cônscios de sua complexa relação histórica com a cultura grega que haviam conquistado e absorvido. Os historiadores romanos examinaram o problema da política de uma variedade de perspectivas que escreveram sobre liderança e instituições, estratégia militar e intriga da corte, virtudes republicanas e ambições imperiais. Mas por trás dessas abordagens díspares havia um tema comum: as origens, triunfo e - eventualmente - o declínio do estado romano, que, como república e império, dominou a vida pública do mundo mediterrâneo por 700 anos e continuou a assombrar os europeus e # x27 imaginação histórica até meados do século XIX.

O surgimento do Cristianismo e sua adoção como religião oficial do Império Romano & # x27 transformou toda a cultura ocidental, incluindo a política e a história. A contribuição mais imediata do cristianismo para a historiografia política foi colocar o problema da Igreja e do Estado, que moldaria decisivamente a teoria e a prática da política europeia desde o final do Império Romano até o início do século XX. Ao contrário dos pagãos que eles expulsaram ou das tradições hebraicas sobre as quais construíram, os cristãos criaram instituições religiosas que estavam conectadas, mas não coincidentes com as fontes de autoridade política. “O poder espiritual e o secular”, escreveu Ranke (1962), “podiam aproximar-se e estar intimamente relacionados, mas só podiam ser fundidos em circunstâncias excepcionais e por um breve período de tempo. Seus relacionamentos e conflitos fornecem um dos temas mais importantes da história. ” Da história da igreja de Eusébio & # x27, que refletiu o triunfo da conversão de Constantino & # x27 no início do século IV, à crônica de Otto de Freising & # x27 do século XII, As duas cidades, que descreveu o conflito entre império e papado, para a própria história dos papas de Ranke & # x27, que carregou as marcas das lutas do século XIX & # x27 entre a Igreja e o Estado, os historiadores procuraram no passado por pistas sobre o relacionamento adequado entre Deus e César , papa e imperador, altar e trono, autonomia religiosa e autoridade secular (Vejo Historiografia e pensamento histórico: tradição cristã).


Conteúdo

Comerciantes alemães estabeleceram um entreposto comercial em Novgorod, que chamaram de Peterhof. Em 1229, os mercadores alemães em Novgorod receberam certos privilégios que tornaram suas posições mais seguras. [11]

O primeiro assentamento alemão em Moscou data do reinado de Vasili III, Grande Príncipe de Moscou, de 1505 a 1533. Um punhado de artesãos e comerciantes alemães e holandeses foram autorizados a se estabelecer no bairro alemão de Moscou (Немецкая слободаou Nemetskaya Sloboda), visto que proporcionaram competências técnicas essenciais na capital. Gradualmente, essa política se estendeu a algumas outras cidades importantes. Em 1682, Moscou tinha cerca de 200.000 cidadãos, cerca de 18.000 foram classificados como Nemtsy, que significa "alemão" ou "estrangeiro ocidental".

A comunidade internacional localizada no bairro alemão influenciou muito Pedro, o Grande (reinou de 1682-1725). Acredita-se que seus esforços para transformar a Rússia em um estado europeu mais moderno derivaram em grande parte de suas experiências entre os alemães estabelecidos na Rússia. [ citação necessária ] No final do século 17, os estrangeiros não eram mais tão raros nas cidades russas, e o bairro alemão de Moscou havia perdido seu caráter étnico no final daquele século.

Vístula Alemães (Polônia) Editar

Por meio de guerras e partições da Polônia, a Prússia adquiriu uma quantidade crescente de território polonês do norte, oeste e centro. O rio Vístula flui de sul para norte, com sua foz no Mar Báltico perto de Danzig (agora Gdańsk). Alemães e holandeses estabeleceram seu vale começando na costa marítima e gradualmente se movendo mais ao sul para o interior. Eventualmente, a Prússia adquiriu a maior parte da bacia hidrográfica do Vístula, e a porção central da então Polônia tornou-se o sul da Prússia. Sua existência foi breve - 1793 a 1806, mas no final muitos colonos alemães estabeleceram assentamentos agrícolas protestantes dentro de suas fronteiras anteriores. Em contraste, a maioria dos poloneses eram católicos romanos. Alguns católicos romanos alemães também entraram na região pelo sudoeste, especialmente a área da Silésia prussiana. O "Mapa Breyer" de 1935 mostra a distribuição dos assentamentos alemães no que se tornou o centro da Polônia.

As vitórias de Napoleão acabaram com a curta existência da Prússia do Sul. O imperador francês incorporou esse e outros territórios ao Ducado de Varsóvia. Após a derrota de Napoleão em 1815, no entanto, o Ducado foi dividido. A Prússia anexou a região oeste de Posen, e o que agora é a Polônia central tornou-se o estado-cliente russo conhecido como Congresso da Polônia. Muitos alemães continuaram a viver nesta região central, mantendo seu dialeto prussiano alemão médio, semelhante ao dialeto da Silésia, e suas religiões protestante e católica. (A população russa era principalmente ortodoxa russa, que era a igreja nacional estabelecida.)

Durante a Primeira e a Segunda Guerras Mundiais, a frente oriental foi disputada nesta área. O governo soviético aumentou o recrutamento de jovens. A taxa de migrações dos alemães do Vístula do Congresso da Polônia para esta área aumentou. Alguns se tornaram polonizados, no entanto, e seus descendentes permanecem na Polônia.

Durante o último ano e após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, muitos alemães étnicos fugiram ou foram expulsos à força pelos russos e poloneses da Europa Oriental, especialmente aqueles que mantiveram sua língua alemã e religiões separadas. Os russos e poloneses os culparam por serem aliados dos nazistas e a razão pela qual a Alemanha nazista invadiu o Oriente em seu programa de Lebensraum. Os alemães também foram acusados ​​de abusar das populações nativas na guerra interna, aliadas aos alemães durante sua ocupação. Sob o Acordo de Potsdam, grandes transferências populacionais foram acordadas pelos aliados. Os deportados geralmente perdiam todas as suas propriedades e eram frequentemente atacados durante suas deportações. Os que sobreviveram se juntaram a milhões de outras pessoas deslocadas na estrada após a guerra.

Volga Alemães (Rússia) Editar

A Czarina Catarina II era alemã, nascida em Stettin, na Pomerânia (hoje, Szczecin, na Polônia). Depois de ganhar seu poder, ela proclamou a imigração aberta para estrangeiros que desejassem viver no Império Russo em 22 de julho de 1763, marcando o início de uma onda de migração alemã para o Império. Ela queria que os fazendeiros alemães reconstruíssem terras agrícolas que haviam ficado em pousio após o conflito com os otomanos. As colônias alemãs foram fundadas na área do baixo rio Volga quase imediatamente depois. Essas primeiras colônias foram atacadas durante o levante de Pugachev, centrado na área do Volga, mas sobreviveram à rebelião.

A imigração alemã foi motivada em parte pela intolerância religiosa e pela guerra na Europa central, bem como por condições econômicas freqüentemente difíceis, particularmente entre os principados do sul. A declaração de Catarina II libertou os imigrantes alemães dos requisitos para o serviço militar (imposto aos russos nativos) e da maioria dos impostos. Colocou os recém-chegados fora da hierarquia feudal da Rússia e concedeu-lhes considerável autonomia interna. A mudança para a Rússia deu aos imigrantes alemães direitos políticos que eles não teriam em suas próprias terras. As minorias religiosas acharam esses termos muito agradáveis, particularmente os menonitas do vale do rio Vístula. Sua relutância em participar do serviço militar e sua longa tradição de dissidência do luteranismo e do calvinismo predominantes tornaram a vida sob os prussianos muito difícil para eles. Quase todos os menonitas prussianos emigraram para a Rússia no século seguinte, deixando não mais do que um punhado na Prússia.

Outras igrejas de minorias alemãs também aproveitaram a oferta de Catarina II, particularmente os cristãos evangélicos, como os batistas. Embora a declaração de Catarina os proibisse de fazer proselitismo entre membros da Igreja Ortodoxa, eles podiam evangelizar os muçulmanos russos e outras minorias não-cristãs.

A colonização alemã foi mais intensa no Baixo Volga, mas outras áreas também receberam imigrantes. Muitos se estabeleceram na área ao redor do Mar Negro, e os menonitas preferiram a área do baixo rio Dnieper, ao redor de Ekaterinoslav (agora Dnipro) e Aleksandrovsk (agora Zaporizhia).

Em 1803, o neto de Catarina II, o czar Alexandre I, reeditou sua proclamação. No caos das guerras napoleônicas, os alemães responderam em grande número, fugindo de suas terras devastadas pelas guerras. A administração do czar acabou impondo requisitos financeiros mínimos aos novos imigrantes, exigindo que eles tivessem 300 gulden em dinheiro ou habilidades especiais para serem aceitos para entrar na Rússia.

A abolição da servidão no Império Russo em 1863 criou uma escassez de mão de obra na agricultura. A necessidade de trabalhadores atraiu nova imigração alemã, principalmente dos países da Europa central cada vez mais populosos. Não havia mais terra fértil suficiente para o pleno emprego na agricultura.

Além disso, uma porção considerável dos alemães étnicos da Rússia migrou para a Rússia de suas possessões polonesas. As partições da Polônia do século 18 (1772–1795) desmantelaram o estado polonês-lituano, dividindo-o entre a Áustria, a Prússia e a Rússia. Muitos alemães que já viviam nessas partes da Polônia foram transferidos para a Rússia, remontando a migrações medievais e posteriores. Muitos alemães no Congresso da Polônia migraram mais a leste para a Rússia entre então e a Primeira Guerra Mundial, particularmente após a insurreição polonesa de 1830. A insurreição polonesa em 1863 adicionou uma nova onda de emigração alemã da Polônia para aqueles que já haviam se mudado para o leste, e levou à fundação de extensas colônias alemãs na Volhynia. Quando a Polônia reivindicou sua independência em 1918 após a Primeira Guerra Mundial, ela deixou de ser uma fonte de emigração alemã para a Rússia, mas àquela altura muitas centenas de milhares de alemães já haviam se estabelecido em enclaves por todo o Império Russo.

Os alemães se estabeleceram na área do Cáucaso desde o início do século 19 e na década de 1850 expandiram-se para a Crimeia. Na década de 1890, novas colônias alemãs foram abertas na área montanhosa de Altay, na Ásia russa (veja os assentamentos menonitas de Altai). As áreas coloniais alemãs continuaram a se expandir na Ucrânia até o início da Primeira Guerra Mundial

De acordo com o primeiro censo do Império Russo em 1897, cerca de 1,8 milhão de entrevistados relataram o alemão como sua língua materna.

Alemães do Mar Negro (Moldávia e Ucrânia) Editar

Os alemães do Mar Negro - incluindo os alemães da Bessarábia e os alemães de Dobrujan - colonizaram os territórios da margem norte do Mar Negro na atual Ucrânia no final do século 18 e no século 19. Catarina, a Grande, ganhou esta terra para a Rússia por meio de suas duas guerras com o Império Otomano (1768-1774) e da anexação dos Canatos da Crimeia (1783).

A área de assentamento não se desenvolveu tão compacta quanto a do território do Volga, resultando em uma cadeia de colônias alemãs étnicas. Os primeiros colonos alemães chegaram em 1787, primeiro da Prússia Ocidental, seguidos por imigrantes da Alemanha Ocidental e do Sudoeste (incluindo católicos romanos) e da área de Varsóvia. Além disso, muitos alemães, a partir de 1803, imigraram da região nordeste da Alsácia, a oeste do Rio Reno. Eles se estabeleceram a cerca de 30 milhas a nordeste de Odessa (cidade) na Ucrânia, formando vários enclaves que rapidamente se expandiram, resultando no surgimento de colônias filhas nas proximidades. [12]

De 1783 em diante, a Coroa iniciou um assentamento sistemático de russos, ucranianos e alemães na Península da Criméia (no que era então o Canato da Crimeia) a fim de diluir a população nativa dos tártaros da Crimeia.

Em 1939, cerca de 60.000 dos 1,1 milhão de habitantes da Crimeia eram de etnia alemã. Dois anos depois, após o fim da aliança e a invasão alemã nazista da União Soviética, o governo deportou alemães étnicos da Crimeia para a Ásia Central no programa de transferência de população da União Soviética. As condições eram difíceis e muitos dos deportados morreram. Foi somente no período da Perestroika, no final da década de 1980, que o governo concedeu aos sobreviventes da etnia alemã e seus descendentes o direito de retornar da Ásia Central para a península.

Alemães Volínicos (Polônia e Ucrânia) Editar

A migração de alemães para a Volhynia (em 2013 [atualização] cobrindo o noroeste da Ucrânia de uma curta distância a oeste de Kiev até a fronteira com a Polônia) ocorreu em condições significativamente diferentes das descritas acima. No final do século 19, Volhynia tinha mais de 200.000 colonos alemães. [13] Sua migração começou com o incentivo de nobres locais, geralmente proprietários de terras poloneses, que queriam desenvolver suas propriedades de terra significativas na área para uso agrícola. Provavelmente 75% ou mais dos alemães vieram do Congresso da Polônia, com o restante vindo diretamente de outras regiões, como Prússia Oriental e Ocidental, Pomerânia, Posen, Württemberg e Galícia, entre outras. Embora os nobres tenham oferecido certos incentivos para as realocações, os alemães da Volínia não receberam nenhum imposto especial do governo e nenhuma liberdade de serviço militar concedida aos alemães em outras áreas.

Pouco depois de 1800, as primeiras famílias alemãs começaram a se mudar para a área. Um aumento ocorreu após a primeira rebelião polonesa de 1831, mas em 1850, os alemães ainda eram apenas cerca de 5.000. A maior migração ocorreu após a segunda rebelião polonesa de 1863, e os alemães começaram a inundar a área aos milhares. Em 1900, eles somavam cerca de 200.000. A grande maioria desses alemães eram luteranos protestantes (na Europa, eram chamados de evangélicos). Um número limitado de menonitas da região do baixo rio Vístula estabeleceu-se na parte sul da Volínia. Batistas e irmãos da Morávia se estabeleceram principalmente a noroeste de Zhitomir. Outra grande diferença entre os alemães aqui e em outras partes da Rússia é que os outros alemães tendiam a se estabelecer em comunidades maiores. Os alemães em Volhynia estavam espalhados em mais de 1400 aldeias. Embora a população tenha atingido o pico em 1900, muitos alemães já haviam começado a deixar Volhynia no final da década de 1880 para a América do Sul e do Norte.

Entre 1911 e 1915, um pequeno grupo de fazendeiros alemães Volhynian (36 famílias - mais de 200 pessoas) decidiu se mudar para a Sibéria Oriental, fazendo uso dos subsídios de reassentamento da reforma Stolypin do governo de 1906-1911. Eles se estabeleceram em três aldeias (Pikhtinsk, Sredne-Pikhtinsk e Dagnik) no que hoje é o distrito de Zalarinsky de Irkutsk Oblast, onde ficaram conhecidos como os "Bug Hollanders". Aparentemente, eles não estavam mais usando a língua alemã, mas falavam ucraniano e polonês. Eles usaram Bíblias luteranas que foram impressas na Prússia Oriental, na forma polonesa conhecida como fraktur. Seus descendentes, muitos com sobrenomes alemães, continuam morando no distrito até o século XXI. [14]

Alemão do Cáucaso Editar

Uma minoria alemã de cerca de 100.000 pessoas existia na região do Cáucaso, em áreas como o Norte do Cáucaso, Geórgia e Azerbaijão. Em 1941, Joseph Stalin ordenou que todos os habitantes com pai alemão fossem deportados, principalmente para a Sibéria ou Cazaquistão.

Genocídio circassiano Editar

O general alemão Grigory Zass, oficial do exército russo, enviou cabeças circassianas cortadas para seus colegas alemães em Berlim, que eram professores, e as usaram para estudar anatomia. [15] O dezembrista Nikolai Ivanovich Lorer (Лорер, Николай Иванович) disse que Zass limpou e ferveu a carne das cabeças após armazená-las sob sua cama em sua tenda. Ele também tinha cabeças circassianas fora de sua tenda empaladas em lanças em uma colina. Os cadáveres de homens circassianos foram decapitados por mulheres cossacas russas no campo de batalha depois que as batalhas terminaram para que as cabeças fossem enviadas a Zass para coleta. [16] [17] [18] [19] Zass ergueu cabeças circassianas em postes fora de sua tenda e testemunhas viram o vento soprando nas barbas das cabeças. [20] Soldados e cossacos russos foram pagos para enviar cabeças circassianas ao general Zass. [21] [22] [23] [24] Além de cortar cabeças circassianas e recolhê-las, Zass empregou uma estratégia deliberada de aniquilar circassianos em massa, queimando aldeias circassianas inteiras com as pessoas nelas e encorajando a violação de mulheres e crianças circassianas. [25] [26] As forças de Zass se referiam a todos os idosos circassianos, crianças, mulheres e homens como "Bandidos," saqueadores "ou" ladrões "e as forças do Império Russo eram comandadas por oficiais ferozmente partolóficos que comandavam dissidentes políticos e criminosos. [27] ] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] [39] [40] [41] [42] Crianças circassianas estavam com medo de Zass e ele foi chamado de diabo (Iblis) pelos circassianos. [43]

Zass trabalhou com outro oficial alemão do exército russo chamado Georg Andreas von Rosen durante o genocídio contra os circassianos. Zass escreveu cartas a Rosen admitindo com orgulho que ordenou aos cossacos que massacrassem civis circassianos. [44] A Rússia era governada por czares da Casa Alemã de Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov e as fileiras de oficiais militares eram ocupadas por alemães da nobreza alemã báltica.

Nikolai Yevdokimov e Grigory Zass ordenaram que seus oficiais e soldados tivessem permissão para estuprar meninas circassianas de 7 anos. [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [59] [60] [61 ] [62] [63] [64] Os cossacos estupraram mulheres circassianas e as engravidaram com crianças. [65]

O declínio da comunidade russo-germânica começou com as reformas de Alexandre II. Em 1871, ele revogou a política de imigração de portas abertas de seus ancestrais, efetivamente encerrando qualquer nova imigração alemã para o Império. Embora as colônias alemãs continuassem a se expandir, elas foram impulsionadas pelo crescimento natural e pela imigração de alemães da Polônia.

O nacionalismo russo que se enraizou sob Alexandre II serviu como justificativa para eliminar em 1871 a maior parte dos privilégios fiscais de que gozavam os russos-alemães e, depois de 1874, eles foram submetidos ao serviço militar. Só depois de longas negociações, os menonitas, tradicionalmente uma denominação pacifista, foram autorizados a servir um serviço alternativo na forma de trabalho na silvicultura e no corpo médico. O descontentamento resultante motivou muitos russos-alemães, especialmente membros de igrejas tradicionalmente dissidentes, a migrar para os Estados Unidos e Canadá, enquanto muitos católicos escolheram o Brasil e a Argentina. Eles se mudaram principalmente para as Grandes Planícies americanas e oeste do Canadá, especialmente Dakota do Norte, Dakota do Sul, Nebraska, Kansas e Colorado para o Canadá Manitoba e Saskatchewan, e Alberta para o Brasil, especialmente Paraná, Santa Catarina e Rio Grande do Sul e para a Argentina, especialmente ao sul da província de Buenos Aires, província de Entre Ríos e província de La Pampa. Dakota do Norte e Dakota do Sul atraíram principalmente alemães de Odessa (área do Mar Negro) da Rússia, enquanto Nebraska e Kansas atraíram principalmente alemães de Volga da Rússia. A maioria dos alemães da Volhynia escolheu o Canadá como destino, com números significativos migrando posteriormente para os Estados Unidos. Bolsões de assentamento menores também ocorreram em outras regiões, como Volga e alemães Volhynian no sudoeste de Michigan, Volhynian Germans em Wisconsin, e Congress Poland e Volhynian Germans em Connecticut.

Depois de 1881, os russos-alemães foram obrigados a estudar russo na escola e perderam todos os privilégios especiais restantes. Muitos alemães permaneceram na Rússia, especialmente aqueles que se deram bem quando a Rússia começou a se industrializar no final do século XIX. Os russos-alemães estavam desproporcionalmente representados entre os engenheiros, comerciantes técnicos, industriais, financistas e grandes proprietários de terras da Rússia.

A Primeira Guerra Mundial foi a primeira vez que a Rússia entrou em guerra contra a Alemanha desde a era napoleônica, e os russos-alemães foram rapidamente suspeitos de simpatizarem com o inimigo. Os alemães que viviam na área de Volhynia foram deportados para as colônias alemãs no baixo rio Volga em 1915, quando a Rússia começou a perder a guerra. Muitos russos-alemães foram exilados para a Sibéria pelo governo do czar como inimigos do estado - geralmente sem julgamento ou evidência. Em 1916, foi emitida uma ordem para deportar os alemães do Volga para o leste também, mas a Revolução Russa impediu que isso acontecesse.

A lealdade dos russos-alemães durante a revolução variou. Enquanto muitos apoiavam as forças monarquistas e se juntavam ao Exército Branco, outros estavam comprometidos com o governo provisório de Alexander Kerensky, com os bolcheviques e até com forças menores como as de Nestor Makhno. Russo-alemães - incluindo menonitas e evangélicos - lutaram por todos os lados na Revolução Russa e na Guerra Civil. Embora alguns russos-alemães fossem muito ricos, outros eram bastante pobres e simpatizavam fortemente com seus vizinhos eslavos. Os russos-alemães educados tinham tanta probabilidade de ter simpatias esquerdistas e revolucionárias quanto a intelectualidade étnica russa.

No caos da Revolução Russa e da guerra civil que se seguiu, muitos alemães étnicos foram deslocados dentro da Rússia ou emigraram da Rússia. O caos em torno da Guerra Civil Russa foi devastador para muitas comunidades alemãs, especialmente para dissidentes religiosos como os menonitas. Muitos menonitas consideram as forças de Nestor Makhno na Ucrânia particularmente responsáveis ​​pela violência em larga escala contra sua comunidade.

This period was also one of regular food shortages, caused by famine and the lack of long-distance transportation of food during the fighting. Coupled with the typhus epidemic and famine of the early 1920s, [66] as many as a third of Russia's Germans may have perished. Russian German organisations in the Americas, particularly the Mennonite Central Committee, organised famine relief in Russia in the late 1920s. As the chaos faded and the Soviet Union's position became more secure, many Russian Germans simply took advantage of the end of the fighting to emigrate to the Americas. Emigration from the Soviet Union came to a halt in 1929 by Stalin's decree, leaving roughly one million Russian Germans within Soviet borders.

The Soviet Union seized the farms and businesses of Russian Germans, along with all other farms and businesses, when Stalin ended Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy in 1929 and began the forced collectivization of agriculture and liquidation of large land holdings.

Nonetheless, Soviet nationalities policy had, to some degree, restored the institutions of Russian Germans in some areas. In July 1924, the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was founded, giving the Volga Germans some autonomous German language institutions. The Lutheran church, like nearly all religious affiliations in Russia, was ruthlessly suppressed under Stalin. But, for the 600,000-odd Germans living in the Volga German ASSR, German was the language of local officials for the first time since 1881.

As a result of the German invasion of the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941, Stalin decided to deport the German Russians to internal exile and forced labor in Siberia and Central Asia. It is evident that, at this point, the regime considered national minorities with ethnic ties to foreign states, such as Germans, potential fifth columnists. On 12 August 1941, the Central Committee of the Communist Party decreed the expulsion of the Volga Germans, allegedly for treasonous activity, from their autonomous republic on the lower Volga. On 7 September 1941, the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was abolished and about 438,000 Volga Germans were deported. In subsequent months, an additional 400,000 ethnic Germans were deported to Siberia from their other traditional settlements such as Ukraine and the Crimea.

The Soviets were not successful in expelling all German settlers living in the Western and Southern Ukraine, however, due to the rapid advance of the Wehrmacht (German Army). The secret police, the NKVD, was able to deport only 35% of the ethnic Germans from Ukraine. Thus in 1943, the Nazi German census registered 313,000 ethnic Germans living in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union. With the Soviet re-conquest, the Wehrmacht evacuated about 300,000 German Russians and brought them back to the Reich. Because of the provisions of the Yalta Agreement, all former Soviet citizens living in Germany at war's end had to be repatriated, most by force. More than 200,000 German Russians were deported, against their will, by the Allies and sent to the Gulag . Thus, shortly after the end of the war, more than one million ethnic Germans from Russia were in special settlements and labor camps in Siberia and Central Asia. It is estimated that 200,000 to 300,000 died of starvation, lack of shelter, over-work, and disease during the 1940s. [67]

On 26 November 1948, Stalin made the banishment permanent, declaring that Russia's Germans were permanently forbidden from returning to Europe, but this was rescinded after his death in 1953. Many Russian Germans returned to European Russia, but quite a few remained in Soviet Asia.

Although the post-Stalin Soviet state no longer persecuted ethnic Germans as a group, their Soviet republic was not re-founded. Many Germans in Russia largely assimilated and integrated into Russian society. There were some 2 million ethnic Germans in the Soviet Union in 1989. [68] Soviet Union census revealed in 1989 that 49% of the German minority named German their mother tongue. According to the 1989 Soviet census, 957,518 citizens of German origin, or 6% of total population, lived in Kazakhstan, [69] and 841,295 Germans lived in Russia including Siberia. [70]

Perestroika opened the Soviet borders and witnessed the beginnings of a massive emigration of Germans from the Soviet Union. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, large numbers of Russian Germans took advantage of Germany's liberal law of return to leave the harsh conditions of the Soviet successor states. [71] The German population of Kyrgyzstan has practically disappeared, and Kazakhstan has lost well over half of its roughly one million Germans. The drop in the Russian Federation's German population was smaller, but still significant. A very few Germans returned to one of their ancestral provinces: about 6,000 settled in Kaliningrad Oblast (former East Prussia).

Since migrating to Russia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Germans had adopted many of the Slavic traits and cultures and formed a special group known as "rossiskie nemtsy", or Russian Germans. [72] Recently, Russian Germans have become of national interest to Germany and to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). [73] Although ethnic Germans were no longer persecuted, their pre-Bolshevik lives and villages were not re-founded. Many Germans integrated into Soviet society where they now continue to live. The displaced Germans are unable to return to their ancestral lands in the Volga River Valley or the Black Sea regions, because in many instances, those villages no longer exist after being destroyed during Stalin's regime. In 1990, approximately 45,000 Russian Germans, or 6% of the population, lived in the former German Volga Republic. [74] During the late twentieth century, three-quarters of Russian Germans were living in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tadzhikistan and Uzbekistan), South-West Siberia and Southern Urals. [75]

Starting in the 1970s, a push-pull effect began that would influence where Russian Germans would eventually live. Because of a bad economy, tensions increased between autochthonous groups and recently settled ethnic minorities living in Central Asia. [76] This strain worsened after the Afghanistan War began in 1979. [76] Germans and other Europeans felt culturally and economically pressured to leave these countries, and moved to the Russian Republic. This migration continued into the 1990s. [76]

During Perestroika in the 1980s, the Soviet borders were opened and the beginnings of a massive migration of Germans from the Soviet Union occurred. Entire families, and even villages, would leave their homes and relocate together in Germany or Austria. [76] This was because they needed to show the German Embassy certain documents, such as a family Bible, as proof that their ancestors were originally from Germany. [77] This meant if a family member stayed in the Soviet Union, but then decided to leave later, they would be unable to because they would no longer have the necessary paperwork. Also, Russian German villages were pretty much self-sustaining so if an individual that was necessary for that community, such as a teacher, mechanic or blacksmith left, then the entire village might disappear because it was hard to find a replacement for these vital community members. [78]

Legal and economic pull factors contributed to Russian Germans decision to move to Germany. They were given special legal status of Aussiedler (exiles from former German territories or of German descent) which gave them instant German citizenship, the right to vote, unlimited work permit, the flight from Moscow to Frankfurt (with all of their personal belongings and household possessions), job training, and unemployment benefits for three years. [79]

Russian Germans from South-West Siberia received a completely different treatment than the Germans living in Central Asia. [ why? ] Local authorities were persuading Germans to stay by creating two self-governing districts. [73] [ duvidoso - discutir ]

The All-Union Society Wiedergeburt (Renaissance) was founded in 1989 to encourage Russian Germans to move back to, and restore the Volga Republic. [80] This plan was not successful because Germany interfered with the discussions and created diplomatic friction, which resulted in Russian opposition to this project. [ duvidoso - discutir ] [ citação necessária ] A couple of those problems were the two sides could not put aside their differences and agree on certain principles such as the meaning of the word "rehabilitation". [81] They also neglected the economic reasons why Russia wanted to entice Russian Germans back to the Volga. In 1992, Russian Germans and Russian officials finally agreed on a plan, but Germany did not approve it. [82]

On 21 February 1992, Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation, signed a German-Russian Federation agreement with Germany to restore citizenship to Russian Germans. [83] This Federal Program intended to gradually restore the homeland of Russian Germans, and their descendants, in the former Republic of Volga, thus encouraging Russian Germans to immigrate back to Russia. [84] It would also guarantee the national and cultural identity of Russian Germans would be preserved, such as their culture, language and religion. [85] At the same time, it would not block or regulate their right to leave if they decide to do so at a later point. [86]

Events for a separate territory proceeded differently in Siberia, because financially stable Russian German settlements already existed. Siberian officials were economically driven to keep their skilled Russian German citizens and not see them leave for other republics or countries. [82] In the late 1980s, 8.1% of Russian Germans lived in the county of Altay in South-West Siberia and they controlled one-third of profitable farms. [87]

In early 1990, a few ideas offered to the Officer of Exiles (the bureau in charge of emigrants after arriving in Germany) in order to retain Russian Germans, or to promote their return included the suggestion that the necessary important village specialists (mechanics, teachers, doctors, etc.) should be offered incentives such as Trade Associations and additional training in order to keep, or to attract them to Russia. Russian German schools and universities should also be reopened. A third idea is to establish a financial institution that would motivate individuals to buy homes, and start farms or small businesses. [88] Unfortunately, proposed initiatives have not gained traction and have not been instituted due to corruption, incompetency and inexperience. [89] The Association for Germans Abroad (VDA) contracted with the business Inkoplan, to move families from Central Asia at vastly inflated costs. This resulted in VDA and Inkoplan personnel pocketing the difference. [90] Examples of incompetency and inexperience included: VDA falsely projected the idea all Russian Germans wanted to leave their present homes and lives and move to the Volga region where they would start over. [90] The Home Office was not fluent in the Russian language or familiar with foreign cultures abroad and this created many misunderstandings between various groups. [91] Because of these actions by the Home Office, the migration back to Germany continues. Over 140,000 individuals migrated to Germany from CIS in 1990 and 1991, and almost 200,000 people migrated in 1992. [78]


Deadlock

Until the late 1920s Japanese leaders generally supported the ideal, if not the practice, of economic liberalism. Their attempts to integrate the Japanese economy into a liberal world order, however, became frustrated in the early 1930s when the depressed western economies placed barriers on Japanese trade to protect their own colonial markets.

Many Japanese believed that the structure of international peace embodied in the League of Nations favoured the western nations that controlled the world's resources. Moreover, the west had acted hypocritically by blocking Japanese emigration through anti-Asian immigration laws in the 1920s.

. the idea began to emerge in Japan of an East Asian federation or cooperative body .

As a result, the idea began to emerge in Japan of an East Asian federation or cooperative body, based on traditional pan-Asian ideals of universal brotherhood (hakko ichiu - eight corners of the world under one roof) and an 'Asia for Asians' liberationist rhetoric.

The Japanese aggression in Manchuria in 1931 was in this context, and was justified on the basis of the Manchurian-Mongolian seimeisen or 'lifeline' argument - the idea that Japan's economy was deadlocked. Three factors creating this deadlock loomed large - the shortage of raw materials in Japan, the rapidly expanding Japanese population, and the division of the world into economic blocs.


In Bradbury's classic dystopia, firemen don't put out fires. They burn books, which are illegal. And citizens are encouraged not to think or reflect, but instead "be happy."

Buy the 50th-anniversary edition for an interview with Bradbury on the book's classic status and contemporary relevance.


5/18/2016 Tensions with military- Political Intrigue - History

ANALYSIS OF INTERNAL SECURITY SITUATION IN SYRIA (PURSUANT TO NSC ACTION 1290–d) AND RECOMMENDED ACTION

I Nature of the Security Threat

1. The primary security threat in Syria arises from inherent instability of the government, a characteristic of all governments holding office during the last eight years, and the thinly veiled intervention in her internal affairs by at least five states (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the Soviet Union and France. See section V.) Coups d’état, political assassinations, armed uprisings and threats of armed foreign intervention are characteristics of the existing situation. Another factor is apathy toward Communism on the part of politicians and army officers. There are no indications that this situation is likely to improve in the foreseeable future. 2. Against this background, the Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party ( ASRP ) opportunist political leaders who hold key positions of power in the present government, and the Communist Party of Syria are capable of bringing about future deterioration of Syrian internal security. 3. The ASRP , a left wing party, currently possesses the greatest direct subversive strength in Syria because of its following within the Army, its strength in the Legislature (15%), and its relationships with independent political figures who hold key Ministries of the government. 4. A considerable number of officers in the Army support the ASRP , and the party has collaborated with senior army officers in protecting the strong position of the army in Syrian affairs. Through its strength in the armed forces the ASRP , with Communist support, is backing a campaign to suppress the political opposition, particularly the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), whose leaders are now in prison or in hiding. 5. The ASRP controls a bloc of seventeen seats plus five supporters out of 142 in the Chamber of Deputies and ranks second in strength among the organized parties. It advocates Syrian opposition to the international policies of the Western powers, nationalization of major economic enterprises, and sweeping social reforms for the benefit of worker and peasant. It opposes Syro-Iraqi union under Hashimite control. 6. The Communist Party, although declared illegal in December 1947, has nevertheless operated continuously with sporadic success to the present. Repressed during the Shishakli regime (1951–1954) it was forced to restrict its overt activities, but continued to work through front organizations and other clandestine media. Since mid-1945 it has operated in a near-overt manner with considerable success. At present it exercises political influence disproportionate to its actual strength through extensive propaganda activity, collaboration with other political parties (particularly the ASRP ) and leaders of the government, infiltration of the army, the security forces and other government offices. It supports and exploits for its own purposes anti-West, neutralist and ultranationalist elements, as well as minority groups. 7. The Communist Party of Syria is organically united with the Communist Party of Lebanon. It provides guidance as well as safe haven and other assistance to the Communist Parties of Iraq and Jordan, and some support for the Tudeh Party of Iran. It cooperates, both in Syria and Lebanon, with the USSR in the production and distribution of propaganda throughout the Middle East. Small in size and overcentralized in leadership, the Communist Party of Syria and Lebanon is nevertheless the largest, best organized and best led Communist Party of the Arab world. 8. Its Syrian membership is estimated at 10,000, of whom about 600 are considered “hard core” militants. Consistent collaborating non-members probably number at least 2,000 more. Party membership is largely drawn from the Armenian and Kurdish minorities, [Page 532] and the Orthodox Christian communities. Both the Christian and Moslem members of the Party come from intellectual, student and professional groups, in spite of repeated efforts of the leadership to recruit workers and peasants. 9. The Communist Party has significantly infiltrated the ASRP through efforts which began at least four years ago. In addition, the ASRP leadership as well as some independent candidates in the elections of September 1954 have consciously accepted Communist support even though they did not participate in the Communist dominated National Front. For example, Khalid Al Asm , most influential of individual political leaders and who aspires to the Presidency of Syria is an opportunist who has collaborated with the ASRP and the Communist Party both in electoral campaigns and in governmental matters. Communist collaboration with other parties has not given it control of any of those parties, but has served well the Communist aim of seriously weakening pro-Western forces and those most likely to oppose future Communist activities. 10. Through various front groups Communist influence on political parties of all complexions is being exerted both directly and indirectly. With more than 25 of these operating simultaneously in the confused Syrian scene, it is difficult if not impossible to assess accurately the full extent of the Communist assets and strength. Of the fronts, the Partisans of Peace are by far the most important. In addition, the Communist Party has secured control of several member unions in the largest labor federation and have undermined and demoralized the non-Communist leadership of the labor movement. Communist inroads amongst labor leaders in Syria are such that the Party threatens to effect control of the movement within two or three years. The Communists have also infiltrated Syria’s educational and religious institutions. The teaching profession is penetrated with sympathizers and student organizations are prime targets for activity. The largest Christian community, the Greek Orthodox, has been influenced by Soviet propaganda and even prominent Moslem leaders have been affected by the Communist appeal to xenophobic interests.

II Existing Internal Security Forces and National Military Forces

A. Primary Internal Security Forces

11. Syria’s 5,000 non-military internal security forces include a National Gendarmérie of 2800, a Desert Patrol of 400 and 1800 police. The gendarmérie and police are disposed in strategically located posts throughout the country. One desert patrol company is located in Central Syria and the other in Eastern Syria. Equipment is primarily small arms with very few crew-served weapons and no [Page 533] artillery or armored vehicles. The standard of training is very low and the police and gendarmérie are generally inefficient. 12. In addition to the uniformed police described above, the police services include the Sûreté–a plain-clothes service of 300 men having certain intelligence functions, such as collection of political intelligence, counter-espionage, and control of foreigners within Syria. The Sûreté, partly because of internal organizational difficulties and partly because of the mass use of untrained informers, does not produce high-quality, domestic intelligence. To some extent its counter-subversive activities clash with those of the Deuxieme Bureau (Intelligence Branch) of the Army General Staff. The Deuxieme Bureau also operates agent and informer nets which conduct espionage and counter-espionage operations, gather political information and conduct surveillance on foreigners. Both the positive and the counter-espionage activities of the Deuxieme Bureau suffer from lack of trained personnel and from frequent changes in leadership. Duplication, misplacement of effort and indiscriminate compiling of information of dubious value are the result. Both the Sûreté and the Deuxieme Bureau are believed to possess fairly comprehensive files on Communists, but the majority of these are out of date. Local security officers continue to utilize their agents and activities against the CPS and are believed to keep generally informed of the Communist Party membership, organization and activities.

13. Army: The Syrian Army of 35,200 is organized into six infantry brigades, 1 armored brigade, 5 artillery battalions and 1 commando battalion. Weapons and vehicles include 382 field artillery and heavy infantry weapons, 87 tanks and self-propelled weapons and 150 transport vehicles. 14. The Communist Party has made considerable progress in infiltrating the Army. Communist officers in the junior ranks are known to be spreading Party doctrine without effective interference from officers in staff positions, many of whom have leftist sympathies. Control of the important army information program, which includes publication of periodicals and conduct of orientation courses for the troops, is presently in the hands of a Communist. To some extent a pro-Iraqi element in the army tends to offset ASRP and Communist influence. 15. The Syrian Navy is an arm of the Syrian Army, and its combat effectiveness and capabilities are negligible. 16. The Syrian Air Force of 1,552 has about 100 aircraft and is capable of assisting the Army in maintaining internal security. [Page 534]

III Evaluation of the Internal Security Situation

17. In spite of weaknesses (Communist penetration, inefficiency, instability and lack of firm direction at the top) of Syria’s internal security and military forces, the Syrian Communist organization is not at present sufficiently strong to take over the government. In fact, the Communist Party does not appear to have as its immediate objective seizure of power. Rather it seeks to destroy national unity, to strengthen support for Soviet policies and opposition to Western policies and to exacerbate tensions in the Arab world. It has made significant progress towards these objectives. 18. Because of Communist penetration, factionalism and lack of active encouragement from those holding political power, the non-military security forces are unable to restrict the further expansion of Communist propaganda, agitation and penetration. However, it should be noted that under the government of Shishakli and with the direction of an experienced officer existing police resources were capable of controlling the Communist Party. 19. If properly led the police and gendarmérie have sufficient manpower and equipment to control Communist-inspired civil disturbances. The Army, however, would be required to assist in suppression of any Communist insurrection. 20. There would seem to be little question that the Syrian Army if properly led could maintain internal security in the foreseeable future, including the suppression of any Communist uprising, but continued Communist success among the junior officers in the Army, coupled with the existing influence of supporters of the Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party, increases the danger that the Army will aid rather than oppose extreme left-wing elements. 21. Given a continuance of trends of the last year, there is real danger that Syria may fall largely under control of the ASRP either through a coup d’état on the part of elements of the army or a gradual increase of ASRP political strength. This would result in either case in increased Communist penetration of government and army and consequent extension of Communist influence. 22. It is not likely that … Iraq would allow in Syria establishment of an openly Communist regime. However, they would be less likely to intervene against an ASRP -dominated government.

IV Inventory of U.S. Programs Bearing on Internal Security

23. No military, economic or technical assistance is currently programmed for Syria, although $5.0 million in economic aid has been “promised” for FY 1956 if Syria cooperates with Mr. Eric Johnston 2 [Page 535] in working out a settlement of the Jordan River dispute. As for technical assistance, it cannot be said at this time whether there will be any program in FY 1956. The problem continues to be the unwillingness of the Syrian Government to conclude the basic agreement which the U.S. considers a condition precedent to assistance of any kind. 24. A small information program , conducted by USIA with five men and an annual budget of about $100,000, operates in what can only be described as a discouraging atmosphere. It is difficult at best to reach the government through this program and, as much of the press is bribed by … foreign countries, only partial success has been achieved in placing USIA material before the public. Syrian touchiness on their minority problems militates against any USIA effort to reach these groups (although much of the USIA material in the Kurdish vernacular originating from our Iraq information centers is believed to reach the Kurdish population living in Syria). 25. Through the Exchange Program ( PL 402) we have been able to send four or five men to Syria each year to lecture and tour the country, but Syrian hostility and xenophobia and administrative obstructions have reduced almost to nothing our efforts to bring qualified Syrians to the U.S. on Exchange fellowships under this program.

V Political Factors Bearing on Internal Security Programs and Feasibility of U.S. Assistance.

26. Of all the Arab states Syria is at the present time the most wholeheartedly devoted to a neutralist policy with strong anti-Western overtones. This appears to be due primarily to three factors: (1) extreme bitterness over Palestine, and hostility towards the Western powers (particularly the U.S. and the U.K.) who are regarded as the creators and supporters of Israel (2) the popular tendency among the Moslem Arabs to seek a neutral position (with an anti-“imperialist” flavor) between West and East (3) because of economic self-sufficiency and a feeling of geographic distance from the U.S.S.R. the Syrians, unlike the other Arabs, see no need to look to the West for support or help. 27. Moreover the growth of Soviet influence in Syria has definitely increased over the past year and a half, largely due to the Soviet tactic of backing Arab causes in the UN , further contributing to Syrian anti-Western sentiments. 28. The basic factors in the current political situation in Syria are: (1) the opportunism of the political figures who currently control the government: Foreign Minister Khalid Al Asm General Shuqayr , the Army Chief of Staff, and Prime Minister Sabri Al Asali . [Page 536] These men, though not themselves leftists, are cooperating with or accepting the support of the leftist, Communist-infiltrated Arab Socialist Resurrectionist Party and its army supporters in order to further their own personal, political interests (2) the disproportionate political influence of the aggressive, leftist anti-Western ASRP and allied army officer groups (3) the demoralization and fragmentation of Conservative and relatively pro-Western political elements such as the Populist Party, the bulk of the Nationalist Party and conservative independent politicians (4) Egyptian and Saudi Arabian intrigue and pressure to prevent closer Syria-Iraq relations and encourage Syrian hostility to the Turkey-Iraq pact and Iraqi intrigue and pressure in the opposite direction (5) French intrigue to maintain France’s “special position” in Syria (6) Egyptian, Saudi Arabian and French support of anti-Iraqi and anti-Western left-wing and opportunist elements (7) a tendency among politicians and the public to encourage and accept Soviet support on Arab-Israel issues and to stress the importance of good Soviet-Syrian relations. This tendency is an outgrowth of the resentment against Israel and against the U.S. as the power primarily responsible for Israel’s existence. 29. It is unlikely that the political situation in Syria or Syrian attitudes will change significantly in the near future in the absence of the development and successful execution by the U.S. of policies for the Near East designed to improve the situation in Syria. Such policies might, for example, include: (1) taking a firmer line with Israel, and insisting on an equitable settlement of the Jordan River water problem and the Syria-Israel boundary problem (2) bringing Lebanon and Jordan into the Turkey-Iraq Pact (this in the long run might tend to pull Syria in the same direction) action aimed at diminishing Egyptian, Saudi Arabian and French support of leftist, neutralist and anti-American elements in Syria. 30. If the present trend continues there is a strong possibility that a Communist-dominated Syria will result, threatening the peace and stability of the area and endangering the achievement of our objectives in the Near East.

31. Since neither the present Syrian Government nor any successor which the Syrians themselves are likely to install will take effective action against communist subversion and check the trend toward communist control, the strengthening of Syrian internal security forces will not in these circumstances prevent communist domination of Syria. In fact, strengthening these forces could simply serve to perpetuate the hold of an undesirable government on Syria. [Page 537] Therefore it is recommended that the United States not attempt to strengthen Syrian internal security forces. 32. In view of the foregoing and in view of the grave dangers presented to U.S. objectives in the area by the possibility of Syria’s coming under a communist-dominated regime, the OCB working group concerned ( NSC 5428, 3 Near East area) should give priority consideration to developing courses of action in the Near East designed to affect the situation in Syria and to recommending specific steps to combat communist subversion.

Responsible Agency: OCB Working Group on NSC 5428 Timing: To begin at once.

Source: Department of State, OCB Files: Lot 62 D 430, Syria. Top Secret. On December 21, 1954, the National Security Council directed the Operations Coordinating Board to develop a program for providing assistance to countries considered vulnerable to Communist subversion. The program, brought into being by NSC Action No. 1290–d, was designed to assist those countries in developing indigenous forces adequate to combat any internal security threat. For text of NSC Action No. 1290–d, see Foreign Relations, 1952–1954, vol. II, Part 1, p. 844.

An original version of this paper, dated June 27, was discussed at the July 6 OCB luncheon meeting, where it was decided that the paper ought to be withdrawn. The paper printed here is the revised version. (Annotated Agenda, OCB Meeting—July 13 Department of State, OCB Files: Lot 62 D 430) No copy of the original paper has been found. The source text is attached to a covering memorandum from Executive Officer of the OCB , Elmer B. Staats , to the Operations Coordinating Board dated June 27.

Members of the OCB Working Group responsible for the preparation of the paper printed here included: Henry S. Villard (DOS), Major General Robert E. Hogaboom ( USMC ), Major General J.D. Balmer ( CIA ), Lieutenant Colonel Bergen B. Hovell ( FOA ), and Dr. H.S. Craig, substituting for Livingston Satterthwaite ( OCB ).

According to the minutes of the July 13 OCB meeting, the Board took note of the paper and held it for final action until all 1290–d country reports had been completed. ( Ibid., Syria) The Board finally approved the paper, with the exception of paragraph 33 which was deleted, on December 14. A copy of the final paper is ibid . See also Document 317.


The other players

The friction between Greece and Turkey affects many more countries than just the leading two players. For instance, the European Union as a whole is at risk of being drawn into a confrontation not only between an EU member and a powerful Asian nation but between two members of NATO.

While that might sound like bad news for Turkey, this puts the EU itself at risk of confrontation between member states in a coalition centered around whose interests lie with Turkey, Greece, or some other effected third-party nation.


Banco de dados da Segunda Guerra Mundial

ww2dbase On 11 Nov 1918, at the end of WW1, Poland returned to the map of Europe for the first time for 123 years. Józef Pilsudski, who ruled Poland from 1918 until his death in 1935, quickly established rather effective legal, transportation, administrative, and military systems under a dictatorial regime.

ww2dbase Economically, Poland had a relatively prosperous 1920s, but the global depression of the 1930s hit the country rather hard, especially considering the rapid population growth. The conservative government spending habits did little to increase the monetary supply in the Polish economy, though the Polish government did develop very advanced socialist programs.

ww2dbase During the inter-war years, Poland's greatest achievement was in the realm of foreign policy. Pilsudski laid out a careful circle of friends in the diplomatic arena, first allying with France to restrain Germany from the thought of invasion from the west, then allied with neighboring Hungary and Romania to discourage aggression from the Soviet Union in the east. In 1932, Poland signed a non-aggression treaty with the Soviet Union that calmed relations and reduced the incidents on the eastern border. In 1934, a similar treaty was signed with Germany to reduce tension and to normalize trade. On the surface, this seemed to have eased German's frustration with East Prussia having been separated from Germany Proper after the creation of Poland.

ww2dbase Militarily, the Polish Navy was small but strong enough to counter a modest attack from the Baltic Sea, the Polish Air Force was highly advanced with the world's only all-metal air fleet, and the Polish Army was unified and enjoyed high prestige. However, as the 1930s went on, politicians who controlled the armed forces, despite top leadership's military origins, did not effectively manage the build-up to its maximum potential during peace time, and the Polish military fell behind its neighboring counterparts as quickly as it had grown.

ww2dbase To bolster diplomatic and military efforts, the Polish dedicated many resources to the field of intelligence. As early as the early 1930s, Polish mathematicians from the University of Poznan cracked German and Soviet military codes, therefore the Polish military was able to monitor military deployments of the two neighboring powers.

ww2dbase As Europe moved toward war, Czechoslovakia and Poland drew closer in the face of the potential common enemy, Germany. The two countries negotiated toward an alliance where Poland would gain partial ownership of the Skoda weapons plants for the promise that Poland would come to the aid of Czechoslovakia should a German invasion take place. When Germany annexed Czechoslovakia, however, Poland turned on its ally and took part in the partition of the country, capturing a small piece of eastern Czechoslovakia (the territory of Treschen and the nearby Bohumin rail junction) in Mar 1939. Although Germany and Poland had been debating over the Danzig issue, Poland did not realize Germany would soon turn on Poland until it was too late.

ww2dbase On 1 Sep 1939, after a series of purposefully-made unacceptable ultimatums, German troops poured across the Polish border after staging a bogus border incident. The Polish forces fought back fiercely, outperforming the German Army in the few occasions where the two forces were evenly matched. The more modernized and mobile German military, with ample air support, made those situations rare, however, by simply out-maneuvering the Polish forces. On 5 Sep, Poland moved its military headquarters to southeastern Poland, with the intention of allowing its top generals to continue the fight while northern Poland was being overrun. This prolonged the war gave allied France and the United Kingdom more time to launch a counterattack against Germany (which would never happen), but it also created much confusion between the political and military leaders, making the defense effort uncoordinated. The prospect of French and British intervention and the Polish military's ability to inflict high casualties against the oncoming Germans gave Poland some hope, but the optimism took a decisive hit when the Soviet Union invaded from the east on 17 Sep 1939. Poland surrendered on 28 Sep, and coordinated military resistance ceased by the first week of Oct.

ww2dbase After the conquest, Eastern Poland was occupied by Soviet forces. Western Poland was annexed by Germany. Central Poland was governed by a German military government. Economically, the occupation forces looted Poland, with the Germans taking large portions of the produce without regard to the starvation of the people, while the Soviets uprooted Polish industries and relocated them to the east. Politically, the Soviets planted intrigue and fostered violence between Jews and ethnic Ukrainians, while the Germans did the same between Christians and Jews. Both sides created slave labor from the population, while leaving the conquered and dismembered country to suffer starvation and disease.

ww2dbase In Jun 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union, and eastern Poland became one of the first battlefields. As the Soviet occupiers fled east, the German Einsatzgruppen units moved in immediately after them. Polish towns and villages that had survived the Soviet NVKD now faced German mobile killing squads. These squads systematically rounded up Jews, potential political opponents, and even innocent civilians for detention or massacre. Throughout the WW2 period, German mass killings, particularly against Jews, increased in efficiency and ruthlessness. The most infamous was the use of gas chambers, which began at the Auschwitz Concentration camp in occupied Poland on 3 Sep 1941. Within months, entire trains were dedicated to bringing Jews and other unwanted peoples for extermination.

ww2dbase Many groups of armed Polish resistance existed during the war. The group that posed the greatest threat to the German and Soviet occupiers was the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) The AK, which absorbed smaller resistance groups, was more so a secret underground government than a mere guerrilla force. In addition to having a military chain-of-command, it also maintained schools, industries, radio stations, and publishing services for the Polish people. The military wing of the AK initially opposed frequent confrontations with German forces in order to preserve strength, particularly with the brutal retribution attacks on civilians in mind. That restraint was lifted on 1 Aug 1944 as Soviet troops neared Warsaw. Although the Polish still held the Soviets, the AK thought the Soviet troops would, at least temporarily, ally themselves with the Polish resistance fighters for the common goal of removing German forces from Warsaw. When Warsaw would become liberated, AK leaders would then be able to claim legitimacy for being those who liberated the capital. Resistance fighters rose up as ordered against great odds, destroying German armored vehicles and killing many occupation soldiers. Adolf Hitler, furious, ordered the occupation force to systematically level entire sections of Warsaw until the city was nothing more than a pile of rubble. As the fighting continued and Polish resistance strength slowly waned, Soviet forces stood by. Furthermore, the Soviet Union even refused the Western Allies from using Soviet air bases to mount supply operations for the Polish resistance. As the Germans brutally quelled the uprising, Joseph Stalin's intentions were, belatedly, crystal clear. Tactically, the Soviets were letting the Germans to expend ammunition and lives. Strategically, Stalin, who had a puppet regime for post-war Poland already in mind, saw this as an opportunity to remove future political opposition.

During the occupation between 1939 and 1945, an estimated 5,200,000 civilians died as a direct result that number alone was staggering without needing to stress the fact that it amounted to 15% of the 1939 population of Poland.

ww2dbase The liberation of Poland by the Soviet Union was a repeat of the 1939 conquest. The Soviets once again looted all they could from Poland, and the people starved. As the Western Allies turned a blind eye to the Soviet treatment of Poland, the AK fell apart without western support. Polish border was redrawn as Stalin pleased. Eastern Poland, conquered by the Soviets during the 1939 invasion, was annexed. To justify the territorial loss, the Allies granted Poland eastern portions of Germany. The border changes resulted in forced population relocations, which led to further human suffering. With a Moscow-backed puppet government in place in Warsaw, Poland remain independent in name only until the end of the Cold War.

ww2dbase Sources:
John Radzilowski, A Traveller's History of Poland
William Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich


Humility and Humour: Death of an Emperor and Vespasian’s Legacy

Head of a statue of Vespasian , 70-80 AD, British Museum



After ruling the empire for a decade, Vespasian contracted an illness whilst traveling through Campania. Returning at once to Rome, he promptly set out for his usual summer retreat at the thermal springs at Aquae Cutiliae . The natural springs could do little to avail his condition which worsened dramatically, however, and on 24 th June, Vespasian – the man who had restored order to the empire – died . In Rome, his reputation was suitably respected. He was deified, joining the ranks of the gods, and was thus honored with a cult of priests and worshipped by the populace of the empire as divi Vespasian . His cult – and later that of his son, Titus – was housed in the Templum divi Vespasiani , at the western end of the Roman Forum, between the Temple of Concordia and the Temple of Saturn. Quite what Vespasian would have made of this monument is anyone’s guess before he died, he is reported to have remarked, with tongue firmly in cheek: “ Oh no, I think I’m turning into a god ”!

Having risen from relative obscurity to become the Roman emperor, and as the man responsible for perhaps the most iconic of all Roman buildings, Vespasian nevertheless enjoys a reputation as a man of simple yet generous tastes and affable wit, alongside that of the authoritative general. Today, several modern languages derive their name for urinals from Vespasian – such as vespasiano in Italian . It’s tempting to ponder which legacy – in private at least – he would have been prouder of.


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Comentários:

  1. Maxime

    Que palavras ... ótimo, uma frase magnífica

  2. Melkis

    Concordo, esta é a informação engraçada

  3. Goltinos

    a variante interessante

  4. Daron

    Como especialista, posso ajudar. Juntos, podemos chegar à resposta certa.

  5. Buck

    É a frase simplesmente incomparável)

  6. Kalani

    É a resposta engraçada

  7. Najjar

    Bravo, você não está enganado :)



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